Categories
Articles

moma: the modern movement in italy, 1954

Perhaps all writing of history presumes an absence or lack, which is one of the conditions that compel the historian to write. One form of absence resides in the object of study itself. It is an absence that, qualitatively, may be meaningful and crucial, or perhaps ancillary, anecdotal, or arcane. It may be total: the object may be previously unknown or mostly unknown (the historian’s dream come true). The object of study may be incomplete or may have been incomplete, it might have been corrupted, or perhaps its inherent attributes were imperceivable before the moment of writing. Another kind of absence emanates from outside the object of study, arising from a perceived lacuna in a discourse, discipline, or practice. The object may have been miscategorized or misidentified. External factors may have led it to be intentionally or unintentionally overlooked, underappreciated, or misvalued. Forgetting and amnesia play a role in external absences, as does the possibility that the object was subject to suppression, exclusion, erasure—an act of epistemic violence. The first kind of absence implies that the act of writing history provides missing information, whereas the second suggests the correcting of an error, omission, obfuscation, or prejudice. Of course, the distinction between these two absences is artificial, insofar as both require an author to establish the nature of the absence that the writing of history reveals or redresses, in relation to which she establishes a perspective or method—keeping in mind that perspective and method (systems of knowledge, models of reading, ideology, author positions, etc.) are never neutral or objective and may be the reason for the absence.

In addition to the above incomplete, myopic schema, there are at least two other forms of absence that complicate the historian’s task: uncertain absences and non-problematic absences. In the former, the reason for or nature of the absence is unclear, even after digging, studying, and researching. The object of study itself proves mute or opaque, sometimes to such a degree that one can only infer its nature by looking at its effects (or lack of effects) on other objects or on its context (discourse). It is similar to the way in which astronomers study black holes by examining the matter swirling around them. Uncertainty still suggests a method: it means writing around and adjacent to the object of study rather than about it, for there may be no way to approach it directly in a substantive manner. Non-problematic absences haunt every writer—the reason for the lack of appreciation for or awareness of an object may be that it is not interesting or barely affects the discourses around it. It unsettles the writer because she may not recognize its unimportance, or worse, she thinks it is important, only to find out that no one else agrees. The challenge of non-problematic and uncertain absences is that they can be confused and they can overlap. There is a danger in the compulsion to write when the absence is uncertain or non-problematic; it can lead to a tendency to inflate or overdetermine the object. On the other hand, if the uncertainty or problematic nature of the object are left open and made transparent, the compulsion to write remains with the author, and the writing of history may open to unforeseen readings.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The 1954 Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) exhibition The Modern Movement in Italy, curated by Ada Louise Huxtable, is a veritable black hole, and it is likely a problematic object. [1] Huxtable is best remembered as the New York Times’s prolific architecture critic, a title that she held from 1963 to 1982. She is credited with establishing architectural criticism as a journalistic field in its own right in America, and she is regarded as one of the finest critics of the twentieth century, penning countless reviews both laudatory and biting. Huxtable authored a dozen books, including editions of her collected writings. [2] She received numerous awards, the highest of which was the inaugural Pulitzer Prize for Criticism in 1970. [3] She got her start at the Museum of Modern Art: Philip Johnson, director of the Department of Architecture and Design, hired her in 1946 as an assistant curator while she was studying architectural history at New York University. She worked in the Department, contributing to various exhibition designs, until 1950, when she earned a Fulbright Grant to study architecture in Italy. She spent a year abroad based out of the Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia (IUAV), visiting buildings and meeting architects, engineers, and planners. [4] It was a critical time: reconstruction was in full swing, as massive government programs (heavily funded with Marshall Plan monies) aimed at the nation-wide housing crisis as well as rebuilding Italy’s industry. As the fledgling democracy took shape, so too did domestic political battles and international Cold War politics, which in Italy were especially intense given the power of the Italian Communist Party and the American government’s desire to blunt its electoral success. Despite the challenges of reconstruction amidst the creation of a new political order, architects produced provocative buildings, urban designs, and products for the home and office. Huxtable could not have chosen a more fascinating moment to be in Italy, or to install an exhibition at MoMA.

The 1940s and 1950s at MoMA were an intense two decades, hosting landmark shows that transformed architectural culture. Built in USA (1944), curated by Elizabeth Bauer Mock, surveyed trends in American architecture, emphasizing material technique and contemporary lifestyle. Built in USA was a counterpoint to Johnson and Hitchcock’s doctrinaire Modern Architecture exhibit of 1932, as well as the vanguardism of shows regarding Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe, European luminaries, and the Bauhaus, and the subtly insecure tone of exhibitions aimed at forging a lineage for an explicitly American approach to modern architecture, such as the survey of H.H. Richardson’s opus. [5] The follow-up exhibition Built in USA: Post-War Architecture (1953) was just as influential, charting, with a kind of triumphalism, eclectic yet undeniably high-quality American approaches to mid-century architecture that were no longer self-conscious and were ready for international export. [6] Conversely, shows dedicated to Buckminster Fuller and to surveys of west coast architecture demonstrated a forward-looking, focused assessment of important domestic figures and developments, while exhibits of Frank Lloyd Wright’s work, famously excluded from Modern Architecture, stood apart from everyone and everything. The 1941 Organic Design in Home Furnishings show, as well as the Good Design program based on eponymous exhibitions staged almost annually from 1950 to 1955, introduced Americans to new lifestyles that married progressive approaches to the home with new materials and techniques. [7] Full-scale demonstration houses by Marcel Breuer, Buckminster Fuller, Gregory Ain, as well as a Japanese house designed by Junzo Yoshimura, all erected in the MoMA garden, allowed the public to physically place themselves inside of design. International retrospectives made crucial contributions to the survey of global architectural trends. In addition to monographic shows, exhibits and publications included Brazil Builds in 1943, Two Cities (Rio and Chicago) in 1947, and Architecture of Japan in 1955. [8]

Model of Marcel Breuer’s house in the MoMA garden. “House in the Museum Garden MoMA” exhibition. Photo: Ezra Stoller © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Italy was the focus of two important exhibitions. First was Twentieth-Century Italian Art in 1949, curated by Alfred Barr, Jr. and James Thrall Soby. [9] The epic show codified Futurism’s place in the genetic lineage of modern art (corresponding to Barr’s famous 1936 diagram) while expanding the survey of Italian tendencies to include pittura metafisica, Novecento, and Italian realism. Barr and Soby traveled throughout Italy to study the scene, acquire loans, and make purchases to expand MoMA’s sparse Italian collection. This crucial exhibition was one of many exchanges between MoMA and Italy during this period, which intensified after the Italian Communist Party’s defeat in the 1948 elections, resulting in a greater commitment by the Department of State to using international cultural programs as an instrument of Cold War strategy. [10] Three years later, Olivetti: Design in Industry cut a cross section through the industrial firm’s two decades of work in the factory town of Ivrea, emphasizing the manner in which Olivetti elided design, engineering, manufacturing, industrial objects, and architecture. [11] While the exhibition failed to capture how design was entangled with Adriano Olivetti’s center-left postwar politics and the activities of the Movimento di Comunità, the show launched the narrative of Italy as a progressive nation whose design and home products were synonymous with quality, imagination, and fashion. It anticipated the boom economico and foreshadowed the mid-century global obsession with Italian design.

Fresh off her travels, Huxtable returned to an institution that had begun to craft a narrative The Modern Movement in Italy because little exists: save for a positive review in the New York Times, a descriptive featurette in the magazine Contract Interiors, and an essay by Huxtable in Art Digest (where she was a contributing writer and editor), it was ignored by the press. [12] There were no conferences, lectures, or symposia. Conceived as part of an education program of traveling exhibits organized by Porter McCray, director of the International Program that aimed at extending MoMA’s expertise and resources to local museums and universities, The Modern Movement in Italy circulated to nine institutions from the east to west coast, as well as two in Canada—none left a trace. [13] Unlike other exhibits at MoMA, it birthed no books, although Huxtable employed her research in her 1960 monograph on engineer Pier Luigi Nervi. More perplexing is the sparse documentation in the Museum of Modern Art archives: only a few photographs, a checklist, and a press release. The exhibition is not noted in any detail in MoMA’s Bulletins, which usually highlighted retrospectives, even of secondary import. It is telling that in 1964, when a comprehensive survey was undertaken to document the history of the Department of Architecture and Design, Huxtable’s show was left out. [14] Unlike curators such as Elizabeth Mock and Janet Henrich O’Connell, Huxtable is excluded from surveys of women’s contributions to MoMA. [15] To all intents and purposes, The Modern Movement in Italy was a non-event, registering no impact on architectural discourse or MoMA’s legacy. However, a close reading of the exhibition and its context, which focuses as much on what was excluded, may explain why it did not resonate, why it likely served its purpose, and why it was symptomatic of historical, cultural, and political uncertainties that haunted Italian architecture in the 1950s.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The Modern Movement in Italy was almost entirely image-based, consisting of enlarged photographs of buildings, drawings, and domestic products. The pictorial panels were complemented by a handful of pieces of flatware and glassware, along with sculpture drawn from the Museum’s collection, including a bronze equestrian by Marino Marini as well as Umberto Boccioni’s Development of a Bottle in Space (1912) and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space (1913) which Alfred Barr, Jr. acquired in 1948 from Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s widow. [16] However, it is unclear how the sculptures related to the exhibition content, particularly given the absence of Futurist or Novecento architecture or drawings. Rather than tracing Italian modernism’s origin to the Liberty style or Futurism, Huxtable begins in the mid-1930s, claiming that it was only then that the language of the International Style transformed into something definably Italian. [17] She organized her show into five sections: an introductory space which surveyed pre- and postwar architecture; “The Early Work,” which situated the paragon of Italian modernism’s formal vocabulary in the refined Comasco Rationalism of Giuseppe Terragni, Pietro Lingeri, Cesare Cattaneo, and Luigi Figini and Gino Pollini; “Architecture and the State,” a cursory selection of realized works and competition designs for the Fascist regime; the oddly named “The Italian Contributions,” which formed the bulk of the show and surveyed the work of Nervi, the Olivetti Corporation, exhibition design, and commercial and retail architecture; and a miscellaneous collection of “Postwar Work” and “Design.” Despite this structure, the categorizing of projects is at times unclear: Terragni’s Casa del Fascio di Como is placed in “The Early Work” section rather than with works for the State, while the selection of home and office products ranged from glassware to sports cars, without offering a means of understanding their commonalities beyond being Italian. Juxtaposing design objects with architectural masterworks epitomized Ernesto Rogers’s theorem “from the spoon to the city,” which meant that, beyond buildings, Italian architectural practice includes extending taste and quality (i.e., design) to every scale of human life, but it is unclear whether MoMA’s audience understood this message. [18]

Giuseppe Terragni. Casa del Fascio di Como. C. 1936

Huxtable’s selections are highly consistent, bordering on blinkered. The language of Italian modernism was made explicit through Figini and Pollini’s demonstration house built for the 1933 Triennale di Milano, Cattaneo’s palazzina in Cernobbio, and a Milanese housing complex by Terragni and Lingeri. The Como Casa del Fascio was afforded more images than any other building, positioning it as the apotheosis of northern Rationalism. Huxtable’s choices for representing regime architecture are perplexing: Gardella’s tuberculous treatment facility, the Unione dei lavoratori dell’industria in Como by Catteneo and Lingeri, the unrealized Brera Art School by Figini, Pollini, Terragni and Lingeri, and designs by BBPR, as well as by Albini, Gardella, Romano, and Palanti for the Esposizione Univerale Roma of 1942. These selections misrepresent the scope of Fascist building programs and the Party’s instrumentalizing of modernist aesthetics. Nervi’s works and the Olivetti complex comprise the heart of the show, represented through a dozen designs that depict an array of Nervi’s experiments and offer a comprehensive view of Olivetti’s aspiration for a humane architecture, city, and workplace. The exhibition included images from the 1951 Triennale di Milano as well as works by Franco Albini, and Angelo Bianchetti and Cesare Pea, all three of whose schemes for commercial interiors appear. Postwar buildings shown included housing complexes by Figini and Pollini, the new Roma Termini, a market by Gaetano Minnucci, and a thin-shell concrete market in Pescia designed by Giuseppe Gori, Leonardo Ricci, Leonardo Savioli, Emilio Brizzi, and Enzo Gori. Two memorials conclude the exhibition: the delicate frame of the Monumento ai caduti nei campi nazisti (Monument to the victims of the Nazi camps) designed by BBPR, and the floating monolith of the Fosse Ardeatine—a memorial to Romans murdered by Nazis during the city’s occupation—designed by Mario Fiorentino, Giuseppe Perugini, Nello Aprile, and Cino Calcaprina.

Huxtable’s approach to establishing the lines of Italian Modernism is doctrinaire: she asserts that it was only through a conscious break with Italian traditions that a “mature” architecture took hold. [19] Notwithstanding the press release claiming that the show features Huxtable’s original research, the images that she used are almost all iconic photographs that had been published in Casabella, Domus, Architettura, and Quadrante. Nearly all of the pre-war works are found in Alberto Sartoris’s atlas Gli elementi dell’architettura funzionale, the third edition of which, published in 1941, undoubtedly served as a reference for Huxtable. [20] By declaring Terragni, Lingeri, Cattaneo, and Figini and Pollini the leading visionaries of the interwar era, Huxtable privileges the most polemical experiments of the 1930s as the nadir from which postwar modernism must be evaluated. In fact, with the exception of Roma Termini and the Fosse Ardeatine, all of the architecture exhibited is from the north and east coast of Italy. The enormous body of regime architecture is absent, as are crucial works including the Florence train station, progressive buildings constructed for the New Towns and the vacation colonies, and the Roman post offices by Mario Ridolfi and Adalberto Libera. Huxtable excludes architecture employing vernacular materials such as stone or wood in favor of buildings surfaced in stucco and smooth stone (the Fosse Ardeatine being the exception). Notwithstanding Nervi’s structural bravado, the expressive forms and structural patterns of which (Huxtable suggests) show an ornamental, decorative approach to concrete, Huxtable chose the most abstract examples of Italian design, featuring simple volumes, orthogonal composition, and relentless structural frames. She even describes the postwar departure from the geometric rigor of prewar work as “stimulating and disturbing” for its diversity, although she shows no buildings that illustrate her contention. [21] By highlighting the most compositionally inventive buildings, emphasizing large-scale housing as well as institutional and transportation buildings, Huxtable imposes the legacy of a narrowly defined Rationalism on a narrower selection of postwar projects to create the impression of a formal and aesthetic continuity that was now entering an uncertain phase.

Pier Luigi Nervi. Municipal Stadium, Florence. C. 1939 © Pier Luigi Nervi Project, Brussels

The selections can be partly attributed to Huxtable’s residency at IUAV. Just before her arrival, the school’s rector Giuseppe Samonà had begun assembling an extraordinary faculty: urbanist Luigi Piccinato, architect and designer Franco Albini, urbanist Giovanni Astengo, architect Ignazio Gardella, and historian Bruno Zevi. “Venice School” architects Albini and Gardella feature prominently in The Modern Movement in Italy. Despite his predilections against rationalism and his curious theories of organicism, Zevi’s influence on Huxtable was significant: in addition to introducing her to his history of modernism, published in 1950, he encouraged her to see architecture as the art of space. [22] However, the most critical experience for Huxtable appears to have been the 1951 Triennale di Milano. If the 1947 Triennale, with its focus on housing, economics, and material experimentation, had an urgent, essential tone, it was the 1951 Triennale that broached the topic of reconciliation between postwar democratic Italy and the Fascist entanglements with prewar modernism. In addition to installations that returned architecture to fundamental, transhistorical issues—form, symbolic proportion, light, space, and the human being as the measure of all things—the patrimony of architects who did not survive the war (Terragni, Edoardo Persico, Raffaelo Giolli, and Pagano) was reassessed in the context of the “political difficulties” that cast a shadow over modernism and the ethical obligations of architects. [23] As Ernesto Nathan Rogers later put it, the question of “continuity or crisis?”—would the postwar period require a break with the symbolism, abstraction, and polemics of the interwar era that made architecture so instrumental for the Fascist Party’s program, or could modernism be recuperated and redirected toward democratic, human ends—required looking backward and looking inward. [24] Given that many modernists did survive the war, all of whom had been members of the Fascist Party, and insofar as the monumentalist excesses of the late 1930s and early 1940s offered no viable architectural language for the new democracy, Italian architects during the 1950s struggled with uncertainty about the way forward.

Surveys published in 1954 and 1955 that coincide with Huxtable’s exhibition demonstrate the challenge of reframing Italian design amidst the drive to historicize Fascism. Paolo Nestler’s Neues Bauen in Italien lionizes the Rationalists as engaged in intellectual combat for the renovation of Italian architecture against regressive traditionalists, but concludes that Rationalism for all its strengths neither evolved a uniquely Italian modernism, nor did it vanquish the historicizing tendencies genetic to Italian culture. The images in his book are distant and cold, objectifying buildings to emphasize formal vocabularies and chiaroscuro effects. [25] Carlo Pagani’s Architettura Italiana Oggi begins by lamenting the “political frame” that had been laid over prewar architecture; he then, however, argues that the Rationalists produced high-quality designs that nonetheless failed to improve on their European precedents: instead of being grasped, the opportunity created by the Rationalists slipped away as their increasingly shrill rhetoric linked modernism to Italian tradition in an effort curry favor with the Fascist regime. Focusing on building types and employing images depicting relaxed domestic lifestyles, Pagani’s softer approach to Italian modernism aimed at moving beyond politics rather than asking hard questions. [26] G.E. Kidder-Smith’s 1955 book Italia Costruisce evaluates twentieth-century Italy with an anthropological eye, readily embracing contrasts between abstract forms, material textures, and vernacular profiles. His eclectic survey of buildings and diverse selection of imagery, including urban scenes, landscapes, and public events, situate modern architecture in the climatic and cultural context of Italy. His emphasis on people and place as that which unifies Italian architecture reflects the “continuity” ideology promoted by Rogers, who penned the book’s introduction. [27] All three authors marginalize or even expurge the classicist, monumental projects of the 1930s. However, what Pagani’s and Kidder-Smith’s books demonstrate, and what is absent Huxtable’s show, was the growing use of vernacular forms, local materials, and indigenous tectonics to impart a sense of immediacy and realism, the rise of the Neoliberty style with its eclectic and occasionally medieval allusions, and theories of “preexisting conditions” and the poetics of a sometimes refined, sometimes modest, humble historicism. [28] Taken together, these tendencies underline that the answer to the question “Continuity or discontinuity?” was in favor of the former—in favor of a continuity that could incorporate contradictions, disagreements, and ambiguities, so that architectural culture could move forward while skirting hard questions. Given that nearly every leading architect in the 1950s had been a Fascist Party member or had grown up under the only political system that they had ever known, the incorporation of uncertainties and ambiguities made “continuity” professionally appealing and intellectually expedient.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Whereas this struggle is not overtly depicted in The Modern Movement in Italy, perhaps because Huxtable saw only the first act of a long, complex drama, there is a politics to her selections which reflects some understanding of the rewriting of interwar history that was underway in Italy. Indeed, a simplified variation of the continuity thesis framed her exhibition: “Fine decorative sense, feeling for color, material and pattern, and willingness to experiment and invent have characterized the Italian contribution to postwar architecture and design. This exhibition demonstrates that these qualities stem from a logical and continuing growth during the past quarter century.” [29] However, to focus on her aesthetically sanitized and politically bleached exhibition misunderstands the politics of her show, which is best understood through what is absent. Huxtable’s installation purges architects whose work was tempered by overt allusions to classicism and especially anyone too close to the Fascist Party. She characterizes the Rationalists as victims of Roman academicism which by the 1940s held a “dictatorship” over architectural culture. The most glaring exclusions of architects who were instrumental in the formulation of prewar modernism are of Adalberto Libera, who tarnished his reputation with his design for the partially realized 1942 xenophobic and antisemitic Mostra della Razza (Exhibition on Race), and Luigi Moretti, who was a Fascist deputy and participated in the Republic of Salò, earning him jail time after the war. Some lacunae are difficult to explain, such as Carlo Mollino and Gio Ponti, and the omission of essential Rationalist architects such as Giuseppe Pagano, Mario Ridolfi, and Alberto Sartoris (perhaps the most important Rationalist theorist) is even more perplexing. Other absences reflect Cold War politics: center-left socialist architects feature prominently among the postwar work, but the exhibition includes no designs by architects who were members of or sympathetic toward the Italian Communist Party.

The mission of the Fulbright Foundation, which funded Huxtable’s studies, was to further international educational exchanges that would promote American values and perspectives abroad, while introducing scholars from other countries to the cultural offerings of the United States. While the Foundation was not easily instrumentalized in a direct manner as a propaganda tool, it nonetheless aligned with the US foreign policy goal of encouraging cross-cultural dialogues to counter Soviet propaganda. [30] Monies flowing into the Museum of Modern Art similarly sought to encourage international exchanges that would bolster America’s stature. The Modern Movement in Italy was one of many exhibitions funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Foundation, whose donations to MoMA sought “to encourage the exchange of art exhibitions between the United States and other countries.” [31] As historian Paolo Scrivano notes, Italo-American dialogues around architecture and design made extensive use of exhibitions and publications to build political and cultural bridges. MoMA exhibitions, such as Built in USA were restaged in Italy, while American agencies funded publications, programs, and initiatives related to reconstruction and the reorganization of the architectural profession. Whereas these efforts reflect the aspiration to encourage a liberal, democratic, postwar global order rooted in knowledge, debate, and culture, they never ran afoul of the agenda of blunting Soviet expansion. [32] Although there is no evidence that Huxtable consciously excluded communist architects from The Modern Movement in Italy, their presence, given the order of the world in 1954, would have been as problematic as that of fascists such as Libera or Moretti.

The single-mindedness of The Modern Movement in Italy can be understood as offering an architectural primer that established ground rules for assessing how postwar architects were reconciling the intertwined legacy of Fascism and modernism. Like Nestler’s, Pagani’s, and Kidder-Smith’s surveys, those ground rules began by deciding what and who to exclude for political and discursive reasons. In this regard, this body of work is less about modernism as an object of study and more about the postwar political context of that object. Nestler and Pagani approach the question from a domestic Italian perspective, and both acknowledge the political problems of Fascism in order to quickly move past them. Kidder-Smith and Huxtable view Italy from without, the former adopting an anthropological approach and the latter an art historical one, and both American writers also hasten to set Fascism aside. They all reach the same conclusion: the quality of Italian modernism, while never reaching its full potential, was too significant to be diminished by politics, whereas politics proved much easier to erase. On the other hand, The Modern Movement in Italy demonstrates the many modes in which American political and cultural efforts operated at home and abroad. It was never intended to be a massive retrospective: instead, it was crafted as one of many efforts organized by MoMA, using funds dedicated to encouraging transnational exchanges in order to reinforce geopolitical agendas. Given that the show was designed as an instrument of education rather than a critical retrospective of Italian architecture, Huxtable’s curation takes on a different light.

Curating can sometimes be understood as an art of exclusion—an art that is as much about technique as it is about communication and politics. If read in the context of Ada Louise Huxtable’s storied career, her selections for The Modern Movement in Italy are myopic: she misrepresents the 1930s and addresses none of the pressing social and human issues that were churning Italian society in 1954. In the context of the history of MoMA her show deserves better than to be entirely forgotten, but perhaps merits little more than a footnote or a few sentences. Huxtable’s exhibition is more meaningfully understood in the context of the postwar international stocktaking of Italian modernism. The Modern Movement in Italy coincided with a moment that was both fecund and fraught. It was fecund because, in a few short years between 1949 and 1955, there were countless retrospectives, exhibitions, and books reevaluating modernism’s legacy and its uncertain postwar trajectory. It was fraught because the field was oversaturated and therefore hard to stand out from. The nuances and uncertainties of Italian postwar architecture did not translate easily into the straightjacket of an exhibition.

The issue in the postwar stocktaking of Italian modernism was whether this movement had traits and characteristics of intrinsic value that could serve as the basis for a continued postwar modernism, free from the taint of Fascism. This stocktaking, which addressed both domestic and international audiences, always involved politically driven choices of what was to be excluded, forgotten, or erased. Unlike Germany, where much architecture was destroyed, most of Italy’s fascist-era buildings remained standing after the war. Publications, histories, and exhibitions became the chief means, through curation as exclusion, of constructing alternative histories and narratives that diminished, marginalized, or recast these monuments and architectures even as they continued to be used as functional buildings. Huxtable’s exhibition, with its limitations and distortions, underlines how the politics of continuity required a parallel program of erasure and forgetting, one that, for all its uncertainty, proved to be convenient, instrumental, and, indeed, essential, in both Italy and America.

Categories
Articles

pandemic summer / autumn guide

Meditations in an Emergency / UCCA Center for Contemporary Art / 21.05.2020–30.08.2020

The UCCA Center for Contemporary Art (Beijing) has inaugurated the exhibition Meditations in an Emergency dedicated to addressing strategies for resisting apathy in light of the Covid-19 pandemic. The title of the show is derived from an anthology of poetry from the late Frank O’Hara. As opposed to gathering a collection of works of the 26 featured artists into one thematic container, the exhibition is divided into sub-categories: “everyday life, the body and biopolitics, the human/animal dichotomy, migration and borders, and the information landscape”. It is of interest to consider that the show is not retrospective regarding the contributors, rather aims to pull works from different points in time which can be relevant to the current moment of perplexity, economic collapse, and metaphysical inversion. Historically, the UCCA has functioned as a nodal intersection between a research center and a museum, and with Meditations in an Emergency launches another massive show.

Meditations in an Emergency © UCCA

Department of Presence 2020 / Museum of Modern Art Warsaw / 18.02.2020–31.12.2020

The annual public program for 2020, Department of Presence, associated with the Museum of Modern Art Warsaw, takes a novel approach by designating a specific artwork, the installation Demos from Andreas Angelidakis, as the site for investigating institutional responses to the climate crisis and the ramifications of non-action. Demos consists of 74 foam modules which can be reconfigured in multiple ways for different types of functional seating as well as sculptural impact. The work itself aims to interrogate the expectations surrounding announcement, public address, and assembly which are part and parcel of this history of public practices in negotiating modes of democracy. In utilising this installation in its theatrical implications as well as physical ramifications as a location for debate, The Museum for Modern Art Warsaw asks the visitor to engineer “an institution within an institution”, raising the question: can an artwork as a context operate as an institution rather than an object of institutional critique? In addition, the role of the museum as an agent in shaping “planetary and systemic change” comes to the forefront through the Department of Presence.

Department of Presence © Museum of Modern Art Warsaw

Feelers / Foco Gallery / 10.09.2020–10.10.2020

The photographic and sculptural work of Mia Dudek (Poland) vacillates between the focused and the peripheral. In her most recent series which springs from her time spent in Lisbon she addresses the subtle passions of the rhizomatic kingdom, an indefinite trace of brutalist architecture, and manufactured anatomy by staging images such that one is drawn into simultaneous anthropomorphisation and nullification of a subject. The show Feelers curated by Kasia Sobczak-Wróblewska is slated to open in October at Foco Gallery in Lisbon. It is of particular interest that the nature of this exhibition has been in flux for the past months such that a miniature of the gallery has been built in the artist’s studio, collapsing and inverting the mechanics of spectator-artwork-exhibition space. The curatorial tendency has been to evolve an understanding of Dudek’s work pseudo-chronologically in tandem with the artist’s pregnancy shifting from considering the detailed quotidien to an architectural finality which may be synesthetic. The miniaturised version of the exhibition is being rearranged, de-installed, and re-installed at spontaneous intervals, available to be viewed at the artist, curator, and gallerist Benjamin Gonthier’s approval until the official opening in October.

Mia Dudek. Fruiting Body © Mia Dudek

Sam Lavigne & Tega Brain. Get Well Soon / online / ongoing

Rhizome, the digitally dispersive research environment of the New Museum of New York, has called upon the artists Sam Lavigne and Tega Brain who have initiated a cumulative and generative online archive which is dedicated to cataloging euphemisms extracted from the comments associated with medical fundraisers on gofundme.com. The project directly reflects the current drama and tension of living with deteriorating health on a global scale due to Covid-19. The affected individuals who may be struggling in silence are given voice within this project, whilst being protected in their anonymity. Encountering the archive, one is posed with the questions: where do we draw the line between showing concern and fetishising illness? How can we devise a collective future expressing mutual consideration that acknowledges global infrastructural failure and systemic violence? Lavigne and Brain’s project emphasises the effect of the New Museum utilising its correlative online space as a container for continual ethical investigations. Get Well Soon is commissioned jointly by the Art Center Nabi (Seoul), The New Museum, and Chronus Art Center (Shanghai).

Get Well Soon © Rhizome
Categories
Articles

pandemic summer guide

The Penumbral Age. Art in the Time of Planetary Change / Museum of Modern Art Warsaw / 05.06.2020–13.09.2020
 
The Penumbral Age. Art in the Time of Planetary Change is an exhibition devoted to ecologically conscious art. The title of the exhibition was taken by the curators (Sebastian Cichocki and Jagna Lewandowska) from the book The Fall of Western Civilization. A Look from the Future by Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway, published in 2014. In the book ‘the period of the penumbra’ is contemporaneity seen by a protagonist from the future as an anti-intellectual time when scientific knowledge is increasingly ignored. The exhibition, involving 71 artists and eight collectives, is not based on scientific facts and statistics, but on imagination and emotions. The text accompanying the exhibition includes a saying by Nicholas Mirzoeff, that ‘we must “unsee” how the past has taught us to see the world, and begin to imagine a different way to be with what we used to call nature’. [1] The role of the art museum in this process is as a place where the required mental changes are catalysed.

The Penumbral Age is an exhibition that links land art – the western art movement from the turn of the 1960s and 1970s – with the art and thought of Pakistani artist and activist Rasheed Araeen, who strives for ‘global art of planetary change’. The ambitions of the curators are therefore not limited to local contexts, but cover the whole Earth. The exhibition can be seen as a ‘who is who’ parade of the environmental art scene. We are offered an overview of the classics of the genre from Robert Long to Robert Morris and Agnes Denes, through ‘protest art’ in an institutional package (Suzanne Husky and Akira Tsuboi) to esotericism (Shana Moulton and Nick Hallett, Teresa Murak, Czekalska and Golec).

The introduction of non-western perspectives to the exhibition widens the spectrum of the classics, Such perspectives are brought to bear by Manumie Qavavau, who draws inspiration from the traditional art of the Innuits, Jonathas de Andrade, who parodies western ideas about the inhabitants of Brazil, Ice Stupa Project in Ladakh (India-artificial glaciers created by engineer Sonam Wangchuk), INTERPRT collective and work by Frans Krajcberg, a Polish-born artist who settled in Brazil after World War II to lead a hermit’s life until his death in 2017.

Ines Doujak. Ghostpopulations. 2016­–2019. Courtesy Ines Doujak

The global ambitions of the exhibition at the Museum on the Vistula may seem exaggerated, but it is interesting to observe the search for the identity and the role of the institution in times of crisis, not only as a temple where the silhouettes of engaged artists are admired, but, more importantly, as a place whose everyday functioning is based on the principles of social and climate justice.
 
Magical Engagement / Arsenal Municipal Gallery Poznan / 18.09.2020–01.11.2020
 
Magical Engagement is another exhibition, the opening of which has been postponed due to the health crisis (the opening is now scheduled for September 18). Its theme, comparable to The Penumbral Age, is the climate crisis or, more precisely, the way in which art and the municipal institution, filled with the voices of human and non-human actors, resonate with that crisis. The exhibition is divided into three routes (artistic, activist and educational) and it is committed to movement and experience as opposed to static contemplation. It includes guided tours (they will probably be online, at least in part, due to pandemic regulations) with representatives of climate movements such as Extinction Rebellion, or more local initiatives such as the Kąpielisko Collective or Poznan Against Hunters. In the description of the project we read that the events that are included in the exhibition are intended to remove the ‘spells of everyday capitalism’, to show the broken bonds between the social world and what is commonly regarded as ‘natural’. The title of the exhibition refers to that which has been displaced from the world by the logic of capitalist anthropocene, i.e. magic, ritual, memory of human and non-human ancestors, compassion and relationality.

Joanna Draszawka. Odłam Źdźbło. 2019. Courtesy Joanna Draszawka

The exhibition participants include professional artists (Ewa Ciepielewska, Małgorzata Gurowska, Cecylia Malik, Daniel Rycharski), the folk artist Jadwida Aniola, who presents her handmade ornamental decoration, and artist and activist Michal Chomiuk, who has gathered stories of evil spirits, rusalkas, nightmares and women herbalists in the Polish regions of Podlasie and Lublin. The guides (not the curators) of Magical Engagement declare that they practice art in action and activism in magic. The social is not enough for them, so they define engagement broadly, co-creating hybrids and collectives, recycling and upcycling rituals, coming closer to the earthly humus and moving away from humanus. One of the collectives invited to the exhibition, the Inter-species Community, encourages active unlearning of harmful human habits, overcoming speciesism through care, e.g. by spreading and supporting the growth of plants in homes, institutions and between pavement slabs.
 
HKW New Alphabet School #Caring / Haus der Kulturen der Welt Berlin / Workshops: June 12,13,14.2020 and the ongoing online programme
 
The New Alphabet School is a collaborative self-organised entity within the institution (Haus der Kulturen der Welt) that aims to explore critical and affirmative research practices. It enables research outside academic, disciplinary or genre constraints, where learning and unlearning methods can be practised and where care and shared responsibility are more valued than criticism. Its three-year programme, started in 2019, divides into a number of topics: unlearning, translating, situating, coding, transmitting, caring, instituting, community, healing, weaving, survivance and communing. Each of them is shaped by a different group of art practitioners and researchers: https://newalphabetschool.hkw.de/.

Maternal Fantasies. Wattenmeer. 2019. Courtesy Maternal Fantasies

The #Caring part of the three-year program, which would have involved intimate encounters, workshops, shared cooking and joint travel, cannot now go ahead as planned. Instead, there will be three-day online event starting on Friday, June 12, live-streaming a journey that explores the various notions of care, followed by a conversation on the historical aspects of care and reproductive work between two feminist authors: Elke Krasny and Helena Reckitt. Multi-vocal, intersectional queer and black feminist perspectives will be developed in series of workshops, including one with Edna Bonhomme, who poses the highly topical question: When does a person consider themselves sick and how do (post)colonial and (post)migration residues shape the way people archive, narrate and navigate care? There was and is an ongoing radicalisation of epidemics, which results in very disparate outcomes, leaving some to fall ill and others not. The practice of community building based on care is informed by the perspectives of feminism, and (post)colonial and disability studies. It is an activity directed at shaping more tender futures.

#Caring is understood here as ‘diverse ways of relating and living, of perceiving and making, both as a society and as individuals engaged in mutual responsibility, attentiveness and responsiveness’. The practice of care means an ethical as well as a political choice. It situates the human being as a caretaker, a custodial figure, who cares for, repairs and maintains the broken planet.

Categories
Articles

primordial backgrounds to self-institutionalisation in russian art

In 1918, a group of avant-garde artists active in Moscow and Saint Petersburg joined forces to create an experimental format for a process of musealisation, almost completely self-organised, which culminated in creation of the museums of pictorial culture in 1919. The New Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow organised a research-based exhibition to celebrate the centenary of this event, reformulating for a wider audience a story that had previously been little known beyond a small circle of specialists, focusing particularly on the Moscow input to the experience – Moscow Museum of Pictorial Culture. If the importance of this historical reconstruction per se is undeniable, it also enabled a more complex and deeper understanding of the avant-garde movement by presenting the best-known section of the New Tretyakov collection in a brand new light. This revision challenged the status of the museum as a ‘dead’ institution, bound by established canons, and applied different critical principles to its historical collection in a process that I would like to call ‘institutional self-critique’. This formulation refers to the tendency that some institutions are developing, as an attempt to reflect on their own collections and practices with the aim of de-colonising, de-constructing, and self-criticising their own approach and history. This stage can be intended as the development of the ‘institutional critique’, which has been consciously enacted by artists since the 1960s, and that has already been absorbed by the narration and methods of current art history as a pivotal moment in the art system.

Diagram for distribution of artworks from the State Fund of the Museum Bureau, Department of Fine Arts of the Narkompros © Russian State Archive of Literature and Art

Reconstruction of the history and context of the museums of pictorial culture has the potential to open up awareness of formats of self-organisation in more recent decades, some of them made in conjunction with established institutions. For the retrospective look that is applied in the present text (which will be too concise to tackle such a demanding and complex topic in detail) it is moreover interesting that the history of the Moscow Museum of Pictorial Culture can be interpreted as an early  attempt at self-organisation and self-institutionalisation in the history of Russia and the USSR, where there would be further use of this strategy in the development of contemporary art history in the following decades. It is further possible to see the inclusion of administrative tasks in the artists’ practice as a preliminary influence on the art world of the bureaucratisation process, which was typical of the 20th century. This view has already been formulated for some unofficial Soviet artists who, active since the 1960s, organised their own events and exhibitions in private spaces, and implemented self-archiving and self-historicising practices. Consequently, in order to properly shed a light on the self-organisation practices enacted by avant-garde artists, it is fundamental to contextualise this experience in the whole history of Russian contemporary art. However, several problematics arise: how the concept of self-institutionalisation, with all its current meanings and readings, can be applied to a previous era without falling into the error of wrong attribution. Can our contemporary understanding of self-organisation, through a retro-imposed filter, help us to bring out nuances in the story of the museums of pictorial culture?

Self or non self-organisation?

In the aftermath of the October revolution, the entire social structure in Russia, including the domain of art and culture, was mobilised by the State for the cause of Sovietisation. Many artists responded to this new deal with enthusiasm and played an active role in it at the same time as they were conceiving and creating artworks that are today recognised as some of the most important masterpieces of Russian art. In the multitude of artistic researches that shaped the polyphony of the Russian avant-garde the recurrent theme and concept was: ‘new’. Appearing in countless written records of the era, used in reference to many different proposals and in diverse contexts, the category of the new was intended to be something that would be used to construct, piece by piece, a not-so-distant future society.

As conceived in 1918, the museums of pictorial culture were to have one central site in Moscow and 13 other venues in various Russian cities including Voronezh, Vitebsk, Samara, and Penza. [1] At the beginning, the name was slightly different: and museums of artistic culture was transformed into museums of pictorial culture in order to accord pride of place to painting. The project arose from a series of events that took place in the ‘revolutionary’ transition period, when the approach to art and culture applied by Anatoly Lunacharsky, the Soviet People’s Commissar for Education (acronym, Narkompros), and particularly by the IZO (acronym of the Department of Fine Arts of the Narkompros), was implemented as part of a broader organisation and systematisation of the cultural scene based on the new principles of the post-revolutionary era. In a moment characterised by the abolition of private property and the nationalisation of goods, a huge amount of artworks was put at state disposal. Many of them were taken from outstanding private collections, such as that of the brothers Sergei and Pyotr Shchukin, and of Ivan Morozov, while others came from Lunacharsky’s initiative to purchase the most interesting pieces of avant-garde art from the artists themselves. The requisitioning of artworks was organised through legal but nevertheless compulsory purchases, and was often driven by the artists themselves. It is therefore possible to assume that the museums of pictorial culture constituted an experience of shared responsibility between official institutions and artists, who often also assumed administrative tasks (particularly in the period from 1919 to 1922).

Suggested display at one of the exhibitions of the Museum Bureau, Department of Fine Arts of the Narkompros. 1919 © A. D. Sarabyanov

The involvement of artists officially began in 1918, when a commission was set up to oversee first organisational steps and there were several meetings of artists to discuss collectively the methods and the purposes of the project. Outcomes of the discussions were set down in texts signed by artists, including the Report on a Museum of Contemporary Art by Vladimir Tatlin and Sofia Dymshits-Tolstaia. [2] It was drawn up following a discussion on 28 July 1918 by the Narkompros Artistic Collegium and Moscow Artistic Collegium, and proposed a list of theoretical and practical principles to be followed. Much attention was given to criteria for the selection of artworks to constitute the collection, a process that was to be detached from any issues of ‘personal taste’. This concept was judged to be a category of the past, i.e. a method that concealed a traditional and conservative approach. Instead, a committee named Artistic Collegium resolved to use its knowledge to help make the selection more appropriate.

The new art

In a context characterised by heterogeneity of artistic researches, the topic of ‘the new’ had the role to reunite such diversity: thus the creation of a new institution, that could host and display the new kind of art that new artists were creating, was the solution. The Tatlin-Tolstaia text clearly stated commitment to pursue a selection process that would single out the most interesting coeval production, regarding which no established art critics or museological figures could give better advice. Moreover, the selection was to be of artists’ names, while the final choice of artworks would be carried out by the nominated artists. Finally, it was decided to keep a record of the names of collectors, from whom works or entire collections had been requisitioned, in order to trace provenance, a decision which shows commitment to keeping historical vestiges and sensibility towards the historicisation process around the artworks.

Since the art was new, the methods used to decide what was innovative and what was not also had to be new. The need for self-organisation was part and parcel of the attack on established institutional methods and the ending of reliance on museum professionals and art critics, who were blamed for not understanding the latest artistic researches in Russia. In several writings, such as those by Olga Rozanova, and Kazimir Malevich, artists accused ‘czarist’ curators of cowardice and of insulting revolutionary art. In particular, Malevich put into words a vision composed of two opposed sides – conservative and innovative – that could not be reconciled: ‘Due to conditions generated by refined connoisseurs, the creations of the innovators were shoved back into cold garrets and miserable studios where they awaited their fate, being abandoned to destiny’. [3]

Malevich poured scorn on the different scale of value attributed to institutionalised artists, such as Vrubel, or foreign artists such as Cézanne, Van Gogh and Picasso, highlighting the centrality of the concept of time in the evaluation process used by professionals: ‘They have established time as a barometer of understanding. When a work wallows in the monstrous and inept brain of public opinion for an impressive number of years, then this work that has not been eaten but soiled by the saliva of society is accepted in the museum. It is recognized. This is the fate of innovators.’ [4]

The dichotomy between ‘old’ and ‘new’ grew gradually in the eyes of the artists. On one side, the museum professional was deemed to be an archaeologist only able to deal with the past, and found guilty of Russia’s conservatism. On the other hand, the pioneering ideas of the revolutionary artists extended also to a new conception of the display of artworks. Even if the works were still predominantly hung on walls (in a pure gesture that demonstrated respect for the canonical perception of the pictorial dimension), they were to be organised in rooms that did not follow a chronological order. As reproduced in the exhibition at the New Tretyakov Gallery, the display was conceived as a tour through rooms dedicated to different artistic groups, but giving special attention to the contrast of shapes and rules of construction. This approach is clearly seen in the article ‘The museum of painting culture at Rozhdestvenka street, 11’ published in the guide Museums and Places of Interest in Moscow in 1926 (after the Museum had already closed). The text describes how each room was organised to show representative pieces of the most recent and experimental researches of the period. The distinction of periods and the fundamental role of time in the dissection of the true was thus negated, breaking with tradition and asserting a new rationale behind the preservation and display of these works, which had not been welcome before in established institutions. The materiality of the artwork and of art work would overcome the concept of linear time.

Display at the Museum of Pictorial Culture. 1925–1938 © State Tretyakov Gallery

The challenge to the traditional role of time in the presentation of works of art was matched by a new approach to space, as manifest in the decision to create a network of museums of pictorial culture across Russia, covering different geographies and territories. The centripetal force that for many years had been characteristic of coeval contemporary art, as it was increasingly drawn to the biggest European cities, was thus negated. A more horizontal approach was put in opposition to the vertical model of art history (still predominant nowadays), aiming to spread knowledge in remote regions of the country, contributing to the creation of a less peripheral landscape. This aspect deserves more attention as a preliminary and authentic turn towards the local sphere, addressing a currently existent dualism between the two domains of the global and the local, although today’s critical discourse plays out this dichotomy in a quite different scenario and between different subjects, through questions of nationality in a reality that tends towards the fading of geographical borders while erecting new theoretical ones. In the vast spaces of Soviet Russia, shortly after the revolution and in line with the goal of constructing an egalitarian society, museums had to be spread far and wide so that everybody who worked outside the city centre, or in smaller cities, and also the ‘peasants and workers’, could have access to culture, as clearly stated in the preparatory documents for the museums of pictorial culture.

As David Shterenberg, the IZO director, wrote: ‘The concept of artistic culture contains, in accordance with the very meaning of the word “culture” as a dynamic activity, a creative element; creative work presupposes creation of the new, invention: artistic culture is nothing other than the culture of artistic invention.’ [5]

This concept of dynamism naturally implied the opening of more venues and the plan for a network of institutions across the country, around which art collections would travel. This was the same motivation that gave rise to the agit-train and Okna ROSTA posters, which used the media of transport and of communication, respectively, as tools of Soviet propaganda. More museums in more cities would facilitate the circulation of artworks and the diffusion of knowledge about the new art.

For the democratisation of art

As director of the Moscow Museum of Pictorial Culture, a position he held from 1919 to 1920, Wassily Kandinsky stated the need for unconventional methods as well as new principles for the selection of artworks. These should be ‘new contributions of a purely artistic nature, i.e., the invention of new artistic methods’, and ‘the development of purely artistic forms, independent of their content, i.e., the element, as it were of craft in art.’ [6] In his opinion, attention to problems connected with shapes, as well as a more generic approach to the tangible elements of artistic practice would reveal the ‘need to struggle painstakingly with the purely material aspect of his work, with technique – all this has placed the artist, as it were, above and beyond the conditions that determine the life of the working man.’ It was thus fundamental to spread proper understanding of the profession of the artist who ‘creates works of real value and demonstrates his definitive right to take, at the very least, equal place among the ranks of the working population.’ This egalitarian aspiration was summed up in Kandinsky’s term ‘democratisation of art’, a locution that he used in the belief that such a goal could be fully attained through the active involvement of artists in all the processes of art management. [7]

Display at the Museum of Pictorial Culture. 1925–1938 © State Tretyakov Gallery

Speaking against the old anachronism that marked the choice of previous cultural operators, Aleksandr Rodchenko, who assumed the directorship of the Museums of Pictorial Culture from 1921 to 1922, said that artists are ‘the only people with a grasp of the problems of contemporary art and as the creators of artistic values, are the only ones capable of directing the acquisition of modern works of art and of establishing how a country should be educated in artistic matters.’ [8] The polysemic vision translated into multidisciplinary and helped to determine a reflection on the practice of research, too. In fact a fundamental part of the project was collecting an interesting number of publications, organised in a library, whose importance was also shown in the exhibition at the New Tretyakov Gallery, with a display that exhibited several books and art catalogues, both from Russia and from elsewhere. A rich selection of original books, now part of the museum’s library, was hosted in the vitrines and shelves, attesting the interest and connection of Russian artists to the international scenario of avant-garde researches that had developed abroad.

The experience of the museums of pictorial culture can be retrospectively interpreted as a utopian dream that came true in a certain place and a certain era, and that permitted the development of an experimental platform over a number of years. However the utopian project ended up being institutionalised. Closed in 1922 due to lack of financial support in a harsh socio-political and historical environment, the Muscovite section was acquired in its totality by the Tretyakov Gallery, which, in 2019, finally brushed away the dust to allow a second look at this fascinating episode in art history.

Categories
Articles

moma: cubism and abstract art, 1936

Once upon a time, in the greatest city of the New World there lived an adventurous young man. Being an explorer and ethnographer at heart, he longed to travel and make great discoveries. Then it happened one day that he heard a story about some curious developments among the natives of the Old World. A new kind of making and decorating of art objects, it was said, had been spreading among the craftsmen of various tribes. The movement was already dying, however, and soon it would slip into oblivion.

Intrigued, the explorer immediately organized a series of expeditions across the ocean. He visited all the important places, collected paintings and other exotic objects from the natives and recorded the stories they told. Impressed with what he saw and heard, he brought back many artifacts and decided to establish an ethnographic museum, naming it the Museum of Modern Art.

Soon afterward, the explorer organized an exhibition of the two most unusual styles, which were known as “Cubism” and “Abstract Art”. The exhibition was a great success, and it became the standard for the museum’s permanent display. It was also widely imitated by the museums of modern art that came after.

 

From “Tales of the Artisans”

This old tale about the beginnings of the Museum of Modern Art tells us much about its landmark 1936 exhibition, Cubism and Abstract Art, curated by the Museum director, the “young ethnographer,” Alfred Barr. The Museum’s press release announced the exhibition, Cubism and Abstract Art, to last from March 3 until April 19, which “traces the development of cubism and abstract art and indicates their influence upon the practical arts of today”. The release goes on to explain that “the Exhibition is representative largely of European artists for the reason that only last season the Whitney Museum of American Art held a comprehensive exhibition of abstract art by American artists”. [1] This seems to be a formal excuse for not extending the exhibition to include American artists, who, in the opinion of MoMA at the time, were inferior to the Europeans. A few years later, in 1940, answering criticism for not including American art in its main narrative, the Museum wrote in its regular bulletin that “the Museum of Modern Art has always been deeply concerned with American art”, but added that the mission of the institution was to show works “that were of superior quality as works of art”. [2]

A photographic reproduction of Les Demoiselles d’Avignon by Pablo Picasso at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

Photographs of the 1936 exhibition show a conventional installation. The works were hung in a mainly linear succession, obeying the museum standard of the time. However, some details deserve notice. The principal theme of the exhibition, the Cubist movement, begins with Picasso’s Les Demoiselles d’Avignon (demurely translated for the American audience as “The young ladies of Avignon”). What we see, though, is not the original painting, but a small photo reproduction. The exhibition catalogue begins its chronology with Les Demoiselles, and mentions, opposite the plate of the picture, that the original is “not in exhibition”. The banal explanation is that the original could not be acquired for the exhibition, but it is surely interesting that the exhibition, which defined the story of modern art, began with a reproduction. Les Demoiselles was not the only reproduction on show. A plaster copy of the 4th century Greek Nike of Samothrace can be seen in views of the Futurist section. Inclusion of the Greek work, on a high pedestal above the Unique Forms of Continuity in Space by Umberto Boccioni, is meant to suggest parallels between these sculptures, separated by more than two thousand years and yet contemporary (since the Nike was a recent copy). Several constructions by Vladimir Tatlin and Alexander Rodchenko were also represented by photo-reproductions, since there was no possibility of bringing the originals to New York. Two chairs by Marcel Breuer and Le Corbusier, hanging on the walls of the Bauhaus section, are another interesting installation detail. They had previously been included in Herbert Bayer’s Deutscher Werkbund installation in Paris in 1930.

A plaster copy of the 4th century Greek Nike of Samothrace and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space by Umberto Boccioni at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

Two African sculptures are visible in views of the Cubist section, one between works by Picasso and another between the Bather by Jacques Lipchitz and the painting Brooklyn Bridge by Albert Gleizes. Marcel Duchamp’s Nude Descending a Staircase hangs on a wall next to the staircase, while various works hang on doors instead of walls. Most of the installation views of paintings and sculptures are unremarkable, but the way in which exhibition displayed posters, photography, designed objects and architecture together with “high art” was unusual for the time. An outstanding feature of the exhibition was its inclusion of fourteen works by Kazimir Malevich, relatively unknown in the USA at the time. The works were grouped together in one room and all of them were brought to New York by Alfred Barr, who had acquired them from Alexander Dorner, the director of the Landesmuseum in Hannover, in 1935. In the mid-1930s modern art was being removed from museums in Germany and had already disappeared from Soviet museums, so, for many years to come, the Museum of Modern Art in New York would be the only place where works by Malevich could be seen. I am not surprised by the importance lent to Malevich by Alfred Barr since I remember how impressed the young American was when I led him through the Russian Museum to see the art of Malevich and other related works.

Another artist whose work was given prominence in the exhibition is Piet Mondrian. Mondrian spent most of his life in Paris where he produced all of the neoplastic paintings, for which he became famous, but his paintings would not become museum exhibits in Paris until 30 year after his death. It was the 1936 exhibition at MoMA that gave Mondrian his place in the modern narrative. If we honor Malevich and Mondrian today, that is in no small part due to the 1936 exhibition at MoMA.

Two African sculptures between the artworks by Pablo Picasso at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

But what gives the exhibition its exceptional importance is not its installation, but the story that it tells – the story we see summarized on the cover of the exhibition catalogue as Alfred Barr’s now famous “genealogical tree”, representing in graphic form the historicization of the previous four decades of European modern art. It is quite possible that Barr saw a similar diagram by Ivan Matsa, entitled Relationships Between the Schools in New Art and New Literature (1926) when he visited Moscow in 1928.

Alfred Hamilton Barr Jr. Cover of the exhibition catalogue Cubism and Abstract Art, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

According to Barr’s diagram, the story of modern art began with Post-Impressionism (Cézanne) and branched in two directions, one towards Fauvism (Matisse), Expressionism, and Non-Geometrical Abstract Art, and the other towards Cubism (Picasso), Suprematism, Constructivism, Neo-Plasticism, and Geometrical Abstract Art. Organized chronologically and by “international movements”, Barr’s genealogical tree was a radical departure from the concept of “national schools”, which dominated European art historiography and which was embodied in art museums and in the most prestigious art event of the time, the Venice Biennale. The first page of the catalogue explained that, in addition to painting and sculpture, the exhibition included such categories as construction, photography, architecture, industrial art, theatre, film, poster art, and typography, thus introducing an expanded notion of “art” into the museum context.

Ivan Matsa. Relationships Between the Schools in New Art and New Literature. 1926

The Russian/Soviet avant-garde, one of the most important cultural developments of the 20th century, was extensively represented in the catalogue. It was historicized as an integral part of this new “international narrative” of modern art, at a time when its achievements had been removed from public view, both in the Soviet Union and Europe. The vital role of Barr’s exhibition in bringing the art of Malevich to international recognition was already mentioned, but the same holds true for the works of Tatlin, Rodchenko, Varvara Stepanova and Lyubov Popova. It is thanks to Barr’s exhibition that their works are so internationally well-known and respected today. The very first (and second) name mentioned in the introduction is that of Malevich, and the introduction ends with reproductions of works by Malevich and Wassily Kandinsky as examples of “geometrical” and “non-geometrical abstract art”. The catalogue reproduced an installation view of the Abstract Cabinet by El Lissitzky which, at that very time, was being dismantled for inclusion in the Nazi Degenerate Art exhibition held in Munich in 1937.
Barr’s exhibition coincided with the disappearance of modern art throughout Europe. The internationalism of the avant-garde was anathema to the nationalist tide that swept through Europe in the 1930s, precipitating war and carnage. Modern art was completely marginalized and removed from museums as “bourgeois and formalistic” in the Soviet Union, and was labeled “degenerate, Jewish, and Bolshevik” in Germany. In France, the land from which it sprang, modern art was, ironically enough, never brought into museums in the first place. In the US, most of the public and the political establishment had no love for modern art, but since art was not a government matter, MoMA, as a private corporation, could exhibit and promote its program freely, without state interference. As my friend Walter Benjamin once noted, this is why the American public could see European modern art at a time when there was no modern art in Europe, and MoMA became a kind of Noah’s Arc of European modern art.

Artworks hanging on doors instead of walls at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936

Walking through MoMA’s halls in 1936, most American museum-goers probably had no idea that what they were seeing was not Europe’s present, but its past. Nor can they have been aware that, although all of the artworks were from Europe, the story told through the arrangement of the museum’s exhibits was not European – it was not a European interpretation of modern art. Although often criticized as “formalistic”, the story told in the exhibition and in Barr’s catalogue did not merely preserve the memory of European modern art, but reinvented it by categorizing artists according to “international movements” instead of “national schools”. This historicization of European art was almost entirely based on artifacts brought from overseas and then assembled and interpreted by someone from another culture. From today’s perspective, MoMA’s role was not only that of an art museum, but of an ethnographic museum. In the avant-garde-centered MoMA narrative, modern art was almost entirely a European phenomenon with Paris as its capital and Picasso as its most prominent artist. After the catastrophe of the World War II, MoMA was perceived in Europe as the most important museum of modern art in the world. By admiring this American museum, “natives” of the Old World were unaware that they implicitly adopted its story – a story about their own art and culture. Gradually, this story became the canonical narrative on both sides of the Atlantic, determining future developments in Western art for decades to come.

***

Today the art scene worldwide is based on internationalism, individualism and (post‑)modernism as its main concepts. However, when concepts become dominant and widely accepted, the suspicion must be that they have exhausted their potential and that the future paradigm will be based on other, very different, ones.

Nikolay Punin
Berlin, 2019

Categories
Articles

book review: why art museums?: the unfinished work of alexander dorner

Alexander Dorner is acknowledged as the one of the most innovative curators of the pre-war era. Atmosphere rooms, a concept proposed by Dorner, were created by El Lissitzky in 1927 (Cabinet of Abstract, 1927) and designed but not realised by László Moholy-Nagy (Room of the Present, 1930) at the Provinzialmuseum in Hanover have been acclaimed as role models of the modernist museum. This book offers new insight into Dorner’s art philosophy, curatorial practice, his projects in the United States after his escape from Nazi Germany in 1937, as well as number of controversies surrounding his activities and legacy.

The first section is a collection of articles on Alexander Dorner’s activities at the Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design (RISD Museum), which he headed in 1938 — 1941. Dorner’s openness to an egalitarian educational curriculum and his concept of the museum as a powerhouse, discussed by Rebecca Uchill in Chapter 2 of the book, are concepts of much relevance for contemporary museums worldwide. Today Dorner’s impact on the RISD agenda is highlighted by the annual Dorner prize: “An award for a creative intervention in the museum’s spaces” (p. 108). The marriage between Dorner and RISD was, however, short-lived and unhappy. He omitted to mention his period as RISD director in his autobiographical preface to the catalogue The Way Beyond Art (1947) (p. 95), and RISD staff were not sad to see the back of this stranger with awkward food habits and a total disregard for the members of the local intelligentsia who served as RISD trustees (Chapter 1 by Andrew Martinez, pp. 26−31; Chapter 4 by Daniel Harkett, pp. 95−105). His cause was not helped by xenophobia in the American museum world and society on the eve of the Second World War, when 250 German art historians and museum directors had recently arrived in the USA from Nazi Germany (p. XV) and the broader refugee crisis had roused hostility to German nationals, the Jewish community, other aliens and anyone suspected of Communists sympathies.

Sarah Ganz Blythe et al. Why Art Museums?: the Unfinished Work of Alexander Dorner. Cambridge: MIT Press, co-published with the RISD Museum, 2018 © MIT Press, RISD Museum

In a thought-provoking account “Tea vs. Beer. Class, Ethnicity, and Alexander Dorner’s Troubled Tenure at the Rhode Island School of Design”, Daniel Harkett recounts the history of RISD before and after Dorner’s arrival. The picture he paints is of a highly conservative, Protestant and anglophone regional museum, closed to internationalism and multiculturalism, and utterly unprepared for the arrival of this radical foreigner, who was catapulted into RISD directorship under the personal protection of Alfred J. Barr, Walter Gropius and other prominent figures of the American art scene.

Soon after his arrival in the US, in the late 1930s and 1940s, Dorner collaborated with several key figures of American modernism, including Henry-Russell Hitchcock, with whom he worked on the Rhode Island Architecture Exhibition at RISD in 1938. Hitchcock was less than satisfied with the partnership, as explained in Chapter 3 by Dietrich Neumann “‘All the struggles of the Present’ Alexander Dorner, Henry-Russell Hitchcock, and Rhode Island Architecture”, although the American historian successfully continued a series of shows on modern American architecture that had been inspired by Dorner.

Dorner’s influence was also visible in Herbert Bayer’s design for the Airways to Peace show at MoMA in 1943 (p. 63). Dorner’s keen interest in the special arrangement of viewpoints and in four-dimensional effects dated back to his Hanover atmosphere rooms (the room created by El Lissitzky was destroyed by the Nazis in 1936, but reconstructed in 1969; the design by László Moholy-Nagy was never realized, but was reconstructed for LACMA in 2017). Bayer would produce sketches featuring multipoint spatiality soon after a short-lived collaboration with Dorner for the RISD retrospective of Bayer’s works, The Way Beyond Art, in 1947.)

the starting point for dorner is the regrettable detachment of museums from the needs of life.

The impact of Dorner’s art historical agenda is also visible in the all-time bestseller of modernist architecture, Siegfried Giedion’s Space, Time and Architecture, though Dorner’s ideas are not attributed by Giedion (pp. 48−49).

As Blythe’s collection suggests, unwillingness to recognize the impact of Alexander Dorner’s thought and oeuvre on the modernist agenda in the USA may well have geopolitical reasons related to the conventions of the Cold War era. The analytical articles in the book reveal a contradictory attitude towards Dorner’s personality, activities and philosophy among museum staff at RISD in the early 1940s. Chapter 4 by Daniel Harkett discusses how Dorner was caught in a “double-bind”, as he was suspected of being both a Nazi and a Communist. His behavior was inscribed in the anti-Semitic paradigm of the era when he was judged to be a supporter of Jewish refugees (p. 105). Aside from problems of personality race and politics, Dorner’s artistic ideas may have compounded his chilly reception in America. As Sarah Ganz Blythe argues in the next chapter of the book, “The Way Beyond Museums”, Dorner’s concept of the evolution of art history, drawn from Hegel, led either to Hitler or to Marx (p. 118). That such nervousness can still be inspired by a commitment to Hegelianism shows that the Cold War legacy remains relevant to today’s museum expertise.

Herbert Bayer. Sketch for Museum Installation. 1947. Watercolor, gouache, and graphite on tan wove paper. 40×30 cm. Harvard Art Museums/Busch-Reisinger Museum, Transfer from the Alexander Dorner Papers, Busch-Reisinger Museum Archives © Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

The second part of the book contains texts by Alexander Dorner written after his arrival in the USA. “My Experiences in the Hanover Museum (What Can Art Museums Do Today?)” from 1938 is followed by a 64-page unpublished manuscript from 1941 “Why have art museums?” The two texts provide a comprehensive insight into Dorner’s original concept of atmosphere rooms. Chapter 5, “The Way Beyond Museums” by Sarah Ganz Blythe, introduces these texts, providing historical and cultural background, which brings out their importance for European and US museological practice, particularly educational practice.

As Rebecca Uchill, a leading scholar of Dorner’s oeuvre in the English-speaking literature, has pointed out, contemporary scholarship, interested primarily in the innovative and abstract concepts of international modernism epitomized by the works of El Lissitzky and László Moholy-Nagy, has tended to disregard the coherent “architectural and interpretive framing apparatuses of Dorner’s curatorial container.” [1]

The starting point for Dorner is the regrettable detachment of museums from the needs of life. In the well-documented essays published in Why Art Museums? he outlines a line of thought that combines art history with museum display, describing the function of a museum with a collection of historical art and how such a collection should be displayed in modern surroundings. For Dorner, contemporary art has no need of explanation as it directly refers to contemporary life and ideas. His concern is with the art of the past, and he traces the emergence of historical styles, first in Winckelmann’s works on Greek style (p. 215), then in the context of the Gothic revival and in artistic spheres up to his own time. The problem, which Dorner identified, was that art museums perceived and taught appreciation of all these styles from an imagined perspective of “the eternal laws of beauty”, with total disregard for the temporal aspect (p. 215). This approach, he believed, had been cemented by Formalism, based on the autonomy of individual perception and empathy (Dorner calls this “Romanticism”, p. 152). He credits Aloïs Riegl as the first to overcome this idealist, timeless evolution of art history by attributing time-bound features to each epoch in his work Late Roman Art Industry (1901). This new, time-aware art historical approach had been further elaborated by Dorner’s classmate Erwin Panofsky, who analyzed perspective-related aspects of art historical development, as well as Aby Warburg with the Mnemosyne Atlas (1924 — 1929) and his search for “how specific motives emerged in ancient Greece and persisted through to Weimar Germany” (p. 118). Dorner valued these studies for their keen sense of temporal distance and the autonomy of each cultural epoch, which must be made visible and recognizable in a museum display.

Alexander Dorner. Custom-designed bench in the room for Expressionist art in Provinzialmuseum Hannover after its reorganisation. Courtesy: Sandra Karina Löschke. Photograph courtesy: Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover – Landesgalerie

But what, for Dorner, is the use of museums of art history? For him, the aim of any art historical museum is to show the development of art and the influence of past cultures on the modern era — something, which will not end in our time, but will continue to evolve based on premises as yet unknown. Although he remained completely eurocentric, Dorner was committed to an ideal of the autonomous value of every culture and self-conscious awareness of history in the wider political and social context (as part of culture studies).

His theoretical views were made concrete in the atmosphere rooms that he famously created at the Provinzialmuseum in Hanover and the RISD Museum in Providence. In Dorner’s own description: “a succession of what I would like to call ‘atmosphere rooms’ to be created through architectural design, infusions of music, and images of historical exteriors placed over outward-facing windows” (p. 54). The visitor should be made aware that he is in a cultural institution learning about cultures that have long vanished. Color and a sense of space/mass are they key features that Dorner works with in order to create each atmosphere room (Chapter 5).

The displays in Hanover and Providence were short-lived and until now had been considered quite marginal to Western 20th century museology. Publication of this new book on Dorner is an excellent opportunity for English-speaking scholars to learn about his innovative and original ideas. The collection contributes to an ever-growing literature on alternatives in the interwar years to the type of modernism, which treats the museum as a “white box”, formalist space. It also enriches scholarship on German art theory regarding space, mass and culture, already handled in such classic works as the collection edited by Harry Mallgrave on architectural history, Frank Mitchell’s work on art history and Kathleen Curran’s study of museum history, to name but a few.

German Art History and Scientific Thought: Beyond Formalism. Edited by Mitchell Frank and Daniel Adler. Farnham: Ashgate, 2012;art history / review /

Kathleen Curran. The Invention of the American Art Museum. From Craft to Kulturgeschichte, 1870 — 1930. Getty Trust Publications, 2016.

Categories
Articles

moma: edward steichen’s delphiniums, 1936

The concept of a hybrid (as well as its derivatives: hybridity, hybrid, hybridization) is used so widely today that it becomes synonymous with everything contemporary. Hybrid wars, hybrid regimes, hybrid cars. The word also takes on an evaluative meaning when hybridization is viewed as an effective weapon of progressive politics, disrupting endogamy, breaking down fixed identities and producing an infinite number of differences. Conservative critics, on the other hand, describe hybridization as a homogenizing practice that erases local traditions and conventions. So on one hand there is the ideology of fundamentalism, essentialism, purism and awesome invariants: purity, solidity, ineluctability. On the other, there are the processes of pidginization, creolization, glocalization and various transitional states (liminality, volatility, plasticity, fluidity). Toxic masculinity, white supremacism and identity politics are taking a beating from assemblages, prostheses and cyborgs.

In contemporary art, art hybridization is understood as something innovative or high-tech and is associated primarily with science art. Hybrid arts are a subculture that includes formalist practices of interactive design using high technologies with the prefixes “info”, “bio”, “nano”, “cogno”. Today, though, in the postmedium condition, any art is hybrid, because there is no longer a division into specific mediums (painting, sculpture, etc.), and the fundamentally interdisciplinary nature of art implies the inclusion of any research themes, openness to other areas knowledge and an invitation to experts from other fields to join in.

Perhaps the hybrid nature of art should be understood in a completely different way, putting the emphasis on its “non-artificial” character – a continuum between the natural and the cultural. By linking the concept of hybridity with its original biological meaning, we can reassess the very “artificiality”, “artistry” and “technicality” of art. Our start point will be a half-forgotten, almost curious exhibition project.

Edward Steichen’s Delphiniums in MoMA (New York). 1936 © MoMA

In 1936, MoMA presented some extraordinary “works” by Edward Steichen, one of the foremost modernist photographers. The exhibition, organized in two stages, displayed to the public varieties of delphiniums, which were the result of 26 years of work selecting and cross-breeding flowers on ten acres of land in Connecticut. In the first stage the public were shown “true blue or pure blue colors, and the fog and mist shades”, followed in the second stage by huge spike-shaped plants from one to two metres tall. The exhibition press release clarified: “To avoid confusion, it should be noted that the actual delphiniums will be shown in the Museum – not paintings or photographs of them. It will be a ‘personal appearance’ of the flowers themselves.”

At that time the public still viewed the activities of MoMA with much scepticism (especially after the Machine Art exhibition), and the Museum legitimized the non-traditional objects of its latest show by including various facts in the press release that testified to the status of these flowers in the history of culture. Reading the text, one might well suppose that the exhibition was the whim of an influential and museum-affiliated artist who was given the opportunity to present his hobby to the general public. Critics at the time and historians later paid little attention to the exhibition.

Today, however, in the history of art Delphiniums are regarded as the originator of the bio-art movement. The author of the bio-art anthology Signs of Life writes that Steichen “was the first modern artist to create new organisms through both traditional and artificial methods, to exhibit the organisms themselves in a museum, and to state that genetics is an art medium.” [1] It is unlikely, that Steichen – a commercial salon photographer – was seriously interested in the ontology of art at a theoretical level. For him flower selection was an occupation which, like photography, had to do with an aesthetic experience, an appeal to beauty.

The assessment by art historians of Steichen’s work as a dotted line linking Cubism with George Gessert’s later bio-art practices seems stretched and teleological. It is much more interesting to look at what such a project, implemented without design and little reflected in its time, can tell us about today’s understanding of art and its growing interest in the natural world. In this sense, we cannot treat the flowers simply as a “personal appearance”, as a modification of the readymade brought into the gallery-museum context. We need to pay attention to the actual process of their formation and materialization, of which Steichen himself said: “The science of heredity when applied to plant breeding, which has as its ultimate purpose the aesthetic appeal of beauty, is a creative art.” [2] Cleary this “creative art” is at the same time a “creative act” and what interests me is not so much a new medium, genre, species, technique or movement in art, but the fundamentally different approach, which Steichen proposes, to the creative act. It, as we will see, concerns three basic levels: art production (artistic method), the way of being of art (ontological status of the work) and its consumption (reception).

First of all, the application of hybridization to art production forces us to reconsider the concept of authorship. Poststructuralism demythologized the romantic figure of the author by asserting the unoriginal and self-citing nature of any work (the author, according to Roland Barters, is always just a “tissue of quotations”). [3] The new materialism, in the optics of which it is logical to describe Steichen, understands the artistic process as “co-collaboration”, that is, the joint action of artist and material. Modernist art was based on the principle of hylomorphism, i.e. the idea that passive material is shaped by an active form, that form being the discourse itself (art criticism, philosophy, history of art), which, through the artist as an abstract function, determines the distribution of the material (paint on canvas, metal in space, etc.).

Steichen offers another model, where the form is not just superimposed on material, forming their synthesis in a complete object, but, in the words of neo-materialists, “matter is as much responsible for the emergence of art as man.” [4] In other words, the substrate, the substance of art, is not simply used to achieve some or other artistic or conceptual goals. Matter is endowed with its own agency, its own will or goal-setting capacity. For example, for contemporary artists, the molecular forces of paint become important – the stratification of substances in themselves and as they are. So the artist is reduced to the role of partner or assistant of self-developing, pulsating matter, which has its own “interests” and “intentions” and is thus not reduced to an effect of discourse. [5] Such matter is emergent, self-organizing and generative. Steichen’s example is especially interesting, because the plant breeder works, not with inorganic, but with organic substance, penetrating into its very essence. [6] The artist is the helmsman of evolution.

Following these crude historical parallels with the modernists leads to the following conclusions about the avant-garde. The artist of the historical avant-garde tried to combine art and life, where life is understood as social reality (bios), because his or her work was intended to create a new utopian world. Steichen, however, tries to break down the boundaries between art and zoé – life itself. Posthumanists understand zoé as the dynamic, self-organizing structure of life itself – generative vitality. [7] It is interesting that Rosie Braidotti, who recognizes the intrinsic value of life (zoé) as such, calls this approach a “colossal hybridization of the species”, [8] where there is no significant difference between man and his natural “others”. The artist does not stand opposed to the flower. They are both part of the same creative act. Not only does Steichen hybridize delphiniums, but delphiniums hybridize him, their breeder.

Edward Steichen takes photographs of his delphiniums. 1936 © MoMA

Steichen’s interest in the bare factuality of the material lends him an affinity with contemporary artists. Steichen was not only fascinated by the technical and representative possibilities of photography; he was also interested in the chemical process of image production itself. Just as he produced huge numbers of negatives, most of which were never converted to positives, so he grew thousands of delphiniums in order to select the best examples. The production process here was like a struggle for survival, natural selection (or curatorial selective practice), and not a concentrated honing of the original. The artist was driven by a passion for selection – the practical side of theoretical genetics, which was at the peak of its development at that time. Selection had been a human capacity for millennia, but it was first carried out by scientific methods (and not blindly) in Steichen’s time. At that time (before Lysenkoism or before the complete discrediting of eugenics by fascism) it was perceived as a science of the future, comparable with the utopian pathos of the avant-garde, which swallowed not only bios, but also zoé.

Selection is based on the process of hybridization, whereby genotypes are chosen for their nutritious or aesthetic qualities, the preferred individuals are crossed with one another and those of their descendants which inherit all of the required features are in turn selected. So, generation by generation, the breeder brings the plant to the required state as expressed in its phenotype (i.e., the externally manifest features of the individual). Selection, therefore, in contrast with species isolation, is a matter of breaking down the boundaries of species – that “great bastion of stability,” as the biologist Ernst Mayr called it. Mayr gave a biological definition of species as “groups of actually or potentially interbreeding natural populations which are reproductively isolated from other such groups.” [9] Today, in the light of new discoveries or the spread of hybrids and chimeras in biotechnological experiments, biologists and philosophers increasingly emphasize the limitations of this definition, although Mayr deserves credit for not absolutizing the nature of species boundaries.

Perhaps such a parallel will seem factitious, but if traditional contemporary art is based on the production of a certain type of art (the medium) or a specific individual (the work), in Steichen’s case, we find it hard to draw the boundary. Are his works only those delphiniums that were shown at MoMA in 1936? Or their seeds, which can still be bought today? Rather, hybridization can be understood as a process that emphasizes the conventionality of species differences. So he does not address a species, population or individual organism, but liberates life itself, the constant fluidity of the vital forces of nature (and of art). Artistic hybridization is a queer practice par excellence, a practice which highlights the very process of becoming rather than fixed identities. Such art and life is a constant movement of creating and erasing boundaries through the temporary accentuation of genetic mutations.

Hybridization not only changes the role of the artist (into an assistant to the material) and the status of art (into a constant becoming), but also makes the process of perception mutually directional. The philosopher Catherine Malabou believes that the paradigm of writing, which prevailed in the days of poststructuralism, is being replaced by the paradigm of plasticity – the ability to both acquire and give form. [10] Plasticity plays an important role in biology, particularly in the framework of a new evolutionary synthesis (sometimes misleadingly called “postmodernist”), where species are not considered in isolation from ecosystems. Suffice it to recall Charles Darwin, who poetically described the co-evolution of insects and flowers, where not only does the insect adapt to the shape of the flower, but the structure of the flower also uses ruses and devices in response to the requests and desires of the insect. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari would later describe this process as that of de- and reterritorialization: “The orchid deterritorializes by forming an image, a tracing of a wasp; but the wasp reterritorializes on that image. The wasp is nevertheless deterritorialized, becoming a piece in the orchid’s reproductive apparatus. But it reterritorializes the orchid by transporting its pollen.” [11]

The relationship of flowers and insects is a ménage-à-trois (for example, pistil, stamen and bee), but together with the artist they form a love rectangle or trapezoid, where all of the participants are equally involved in the process of receiving and passing on a form. And to understand this process, we must turn to an area that is (quite understandably) neglected by art theorists, namely, evolutionary or Darwinian aesthetics. This teaching is based not on the widely known idea of ​​the survival of the fittest, but on the idea of ​​sexual selection, i.e. differentiated access to partners (competition and choice of a partner of the opposite sex). The theory was developed by Darwin himself, who, trying to explain apparently redundant ornamentation on the bodies of animals, believed that sensual pleasure, attractiveness and subjective experience are also agents of selection.

Edward Steichen with delphiniums. Redding, Connecticut. Photo: Dana Steichen. C. 1938 © Edward Steichen Archive, VII. The Museum of Modern Art Archive

This question remains a matter of controversy in evolutionary biology, where representatives of the two camps continue to disagree. The “adaptationist” interpretation insists that bodily ornamentation advertises and provides information about the useful qualities of the partner, while an alternative “arbitrary” model sees no benefit in the production of aesthetic attributes other than the popularity of the partner. The latter approach was developed by Darwin’s follower, Ronald Fisher, who described sexual selection as a positive feedback mechanism. For example, the more advantageous it is for a male to have a long tail, the more advantageous it is for a female to prefer just such males, and vice versa (in biology this principle is called “Fisherian runaway”). His radical follower, our contemporary Richard Prum, has pursued this line of thought, which also correlates with plasticity: partner preferences are genetically correlated with preferred features. In other words, “variation in desire and variation in the objects of desire will become correlated or enmeshed, entrained evolutionarily,” [12] beauty and the observer co-evolve. Aesthetic attractiveness makes the body free in its sexuality: “birds are beautiful,” Prum writes, “because they are beautiful to themselves.” [13]

Feminist critiques of Darwinism, however, go much further in defending Darwin against reductionism. For example, Elizabeth Grosz questions the raison d’être of sexual selection and emphasizes its irrational character, expressed in an unbridled intensification of colours and shapes, extravagance, excessive sensuality and an appeal to sexuality rather than simple reproduction. She tries in this way to separate natural from sexual selection (the second is usually considered a subspecies of the first). In particular, she writes: “Sexual selection may be understood as the queering of natural selection, that is, the rendering of any biological norms, ideals of fitness, strange, incalculable, excessive.” [14] Moreover, sexual selection expands the world of the living into ​​”the nonfunctional, the redundant, the artistic.” [15] And here we are again reminded of Steichen’s Delphiniums, which only intensify the already excessive beauty of this flower. But how does this leap from nature to culture happen? Why does a person become an addressee of someone else’s sexual selection? How does he or she get drawn into this “co-evolutionary dance”?

Describing the attractiveness of flowers (including delphiniums) and their ability to come to life in our imagination, Elaine Skerry highlighted their various characteristics: the size that allows them to freely penetrate our consciousness, the bowls that correspond to the curve of our eyes, the possibility of their localization by vision, the transparency of their substance, etc. [16] However, this says little about plasticity. Without extrapolating biological principles to social ones, I would propose that an even more complex process is at work in Steichen’s love rectangle or trapezoid, where not only does the artist subordinate the flower to his aesthetic needs, but the flowers themselves determine the artist’s sensory experience. The reception and consumption of art cannot be a one-way process, but are subject to positive or negative feedback. There is no need to go far for an example: in Russia flowers of Northern European selection (the so-called “the new perennials”) – calmer, more austere and vegetative – are gradually supplanting the gaudy and bright flower varieties that were popular in Soviet times. We can easily trace how flowers steer our taste. Could it be that our taste, our aesthetic judgment, is also a hybrid?

Following in the steps of Steichen’s experiments, I have tried to retroactively comprehend what hybridization as a creative act might be today. However, despite all that has been said above, I am not sure that hybridity in itself is of indubitable value. We know from evolutionary theory that mixing does not always lead to diversity, and the endemics so dear to us are a product of the isolation of species (“Splendid Isolation” is the title of a book about the remarkable mammals of South America), [17] because “isolating mechanisms” between species preserve originality and authenticity. In a similar vein, some left-wing philosophers say that by altogether abandoning identity politics and insisting on the fluidity of categories, we make ourselves vulnerable to traditionalism. For instance, if you consider yourself fluid, what prevents you from abandoning your essence and accepting a fixed norm? Hybridity also comes in for criticism as a product that masks the policy of global imperialism, because it is based on the exclusion of “others”: old age, uncommunicativeness, pain, i.e., non-hybridity itself. [18]

Hybridity and its dark double, non-hybridity, are in equal measure social constructs. Perhaps everything around us is equally hybrid. However, the hybridization procedure is not just a progressive trope, but also a subversive procedure. Hybridization, unlike many other analogous concepts, is associated with biology, i.e., with something natural and inherent to nature itself, but at the same time is also a cultural practice of selection, and for this reason it undermines naturalness as such. Unlike concepts that naturalize, that represent human history as something natural, it naturalizes unnaturalness itself. The unnatural seems natural. As Steichen shows us, the boundaries between art and nature are highly arbitrary. Life imitates art. Art imitates life.

Translation: Ben Hooson

Categories
Articles

the permafrost

The Biennale was organized by the Yakutsk-based Laboratory for Complex Geo-Cultural Research of the Arctic (LKGIA) in collaboration with several Yakutian organizations. A room rented at the National Museum of Art became the exhibition venue for the main project. The work of curators and artists-in-residence was funded by the Office of the Mayor of Yakutsk. The LKGIA Lab had been set up three years prior by a group of Yakutia-based scholars and culture-makers supported by a grant from the Russian Science Foundation. It was conceived of as an interdisciplinary research platform for arts and humanities. Dmitry Zamyatin, a Moscow-based geographer, author and cultural theorist, was invited to head the LKGIA Lab; he, in turn, invited myself and a few other people from the Moscow academic community to join in their work.

The “complex geo-cultural research” masterminded by Dmitry Zamyatin became the central focus of the Lab. In general, this institution has aspired to somehow “get a hold” of the Arctic discourse in the field of humanities and social studies by positioning and promoting Yakutsk, the city that is currently undergoing a remarkable surge of activity, as the “capital” of this discourse. Yakutsk has always been one of the hubs for the exploration and development of the Arctic, which today experiences a new wave of colonization, although this time this colonization is to a large extent, academic and artistic.

The Permafrost-themed Zeroth Arctic Biennale was to become the culmination, the grande finale of the LKGIA Lab [three-year] activities. I was invited to curate the main project and a two-week residency for several artists whom I had selected. For the residency it seemed important to create projects in collaboration with Yakutia-based institutions and artists, as well as other local cultural workers. There was also an open call in Yakutsk supported by the organizers. We managed to work together with a number of institutions, for instance, with the Melnikov Yakutian Institute for Permafrost Research, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, that enabled us to receive some exhibits from them and to install one of the projects on their premises. We also collaborated with the Museum and Center of The Khomus of The People of The World, the National Moving Image Archive of Sakha-Yakutia, the Mammoth Museum, the Emelyan Yaroslavsky Yakutian State Museum of History and Culture of the Peoples of the North, the Sakha-Yakutian Artists’ Union, the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts, as well as with a number of local historians.

Of the ten participating artists (Ayiyna Alekseeva, Alina Fedotova, Irina Filatova, Dzhuliana Semenova, Antonina Shadrina, Max Sher, Yegor Sleptsov, Mikhail Starostin, Nina Velmina, Nikolay Vetter) only three were from Moscow, the rest were based in Yakutsk. This means that the project was almost completely entrenched in the local context. The show comprised moving imagery and exhibits from the Institute of Permafrost. For me as a curator, it was important to create a coherent narrative of the permafrost by embedding particular projects into it. “Lateral” connections among the exhibits grew increasingly important as the project enfolded while the works of artists from various contexts, as well as scholarly objects, archival and local history materials (including works authored by someone who had never worked as an artist before) became equal in terms of their functional status.

The exhibition was divided into sections and their sequence worked to develop the narrative. The key points of it were the Subterranean Museum of Eternity; the scientific discourse on the permafrost and the work of the Institute of Permafrost; the underworld as a reality of animism as juxtaposed with the scientific discourse of human beings as such; immortality and the surface of Earth; going deeper into the Earth as humanity’s perennial dream. In the future, each of these topics, albeit overlapping, can become a research subject in and of itself. The purpose of this text is to introduce the project that took shape in Yakutsk and to provide an overview of all of the topics listed earlier. It was also meant to function as an index section for the exhibition.

The Underground Museum of Eternity by Irina Filatova; video streaming screenshot, streaming set up by Alexey Romanov

The permafrost lies beneath the surface layer of soil. It is a strange world incomprehensible to humans who, for most of their history, have been trying to make sense of it or to “tame” it by entering into communication with it. For humans, this world has been both a subject and an object at the same time. It has been actively defining the human forms of life on the one hand, and has also served as a “stratum” from which natural resources are extracted, an object of scientific study and research.

There are, perhaps, three vectors or three approaches that we can pursue in our exploration of the permafrost: 1) the pagan tradition of imbibing the underworld with a soul, making it animate 2) scientific discourse 3) consumerist attitude towards it as a subsurface resource waiting to be conquered and appropriated. This division is tentative, though, for the subjectification of the surrounding world in pagan beliefs ensures an environmentally conscious and sustainable management of natural resources. Mikhail Sumgin, the founder of the permafrost science, called it the “Russian Sphinx” [1], implying the many enigmas it concealed. The “objective” science often stemmed from utopian projects or dreams, such as the [Soviet] space program that emerged from the reflections of Nikolay Fedorov on how to send the dead, who he hoped, would be soon resurrected, to other planets.

An electromagnetic probe used for geophysical exploration from the Museum of the Institute of Permafrost and three video projections that flow and spill into each other, representing the three parts of the exhibition are placed in the middle of the room. The first video is a 1934 archival film Povelitel L’dov (“The Master of Ice”), directed by Grigory Kabalov. It illustrates the Soviet ambition to “conquer and subjugate nature”. The second projection is a selection of archival materials about the Yakutian Permafrost Research Station (YANIMS) and it denotes the scientific approach to the subject in question. The third screen displays a fragment from a documentary Wooly Mammoth: The Autopsy (2014) that covers the 2013 discovery of the best-preserved body of a mammoth with soft tissues and blood-like liquid in Yakutia (the so-called Malolyakhovsky Mammoth nicknamed Buttercup). The film was shot by visiting researchers obsessed with the idea of cloning mammoths. The displayed frames show the permafrost at it starts bleeding with mammoth blood — a pivotal and shocking point in the story when what appeared to be dead suddenly seems potentially alive. It is the moment when our understanding of the world can be turned upside down, while the ancient pagan beliefs collide with advanced science, and a possibility of cloning the long-dead body can potentially shatter the conventional boundary between the living and the non-living, between the subject and the object. Unexpectedly, the electromagnetic probe, the phallic-shaped device used to penetrate deep below the surface of the Earth tapping into knowledge, which is also a symbol of life, turns out to be a dead object, while the passive stratum of matter, the thick frozen rock, in which holes are drilled, appears to be alive and bleeding. Nature and culture, subject and object, the male and the female thus swap places.

It seems that we have now reached the point at which the boundaries of a deeply entrenched mental “map” of scholarly disciplines need to be revisited and reconsidered. The permafrost is not only an object of study and inquiry but also something external with respect to humanity in general, something “non-human” that exposed the gap between its phenomenological projections, the linguistic constructions and itself — a thing-in-itself that exists in a different temporality and modality.

A frame from Wooly mammoth. The Autopsy

This gap could be filled on a complex material level where the entire world and everything in it, from objects and processes to humans, mechanisms and animals to images and brands, emerges as a complex material surface. On this level, globality is replaced with planetarity [2], ecology sprawls to an all-encompassing size, while everything on the planet and the planet itself become alive and dead in equal measure.

Properties of thinking and representation are attributed not only to humans but to a broadly defined “life”. Contemporary philosophy, science and art have arrived at this standpoint in part in an attempt to put an end to a preying, destructive attitude towards Earth and to reduce conflict of different kind. The indigenous ethnic groups of the North with their animistic traditions, self-objectification and shamanism have known the importance of a sustainable, respectful treatment of the environment from times immemorial, for animism, according to curator Anselm Franke, is, above all, a practice of resisting objectification [3].

In today’s world, various discourses and practices coexist and can be both functional or not. No worldview or theory can claim the ability to comprehensively describe the world any longer. The dichotomies suggested by the Enlightenment, such as “soul versus body”, “nature versus culture”, “civilization versus barbarism”, “subject versus object”, “the sacred versus the profane” and so forth, are crumbling. It is largely accepted today that the key political move on the way to decolonize our imagination would be to reject any disciplinary boundaries that confine and restrict imagination, to eschew divisions of any kind, and to rethink accepted borders so as to probe their instability.

Under and Above the Ground: The Influence of the Permafrost on the Sacred and the Powerful

Yakutian ethnologist Semyon I. Nikolaev-Somogotto argued that the image and concept of the underworld in Yakut paganism was shaped by the images of Biblical Hell after Russian Orthodox Christianity had been brought to these lands. [4]. Before the arrival of the Russians, the Yakuts buried their dead on or above the ground, and not inside it. This world equally belonged to the dead and the living who took turns (“shifts”) reigning it (days were the time of the living, while at night the dead took over), while space was commonly shared. Not unlike Christian dogmas, the pagan underworld was linguistically constructed as a heterotopia, or “another” space, “the other world”.

In their joint project Infrastructural Ethnography, Max Sher and Antonina Shadrina reflect on the unstable status of infrastructure in the permafrost area. Power cables and pipelines laid above the ground resemble the ancient arangas — aerial burials. In this sense, the infrastructure of death in the pre-Christian Yakutia was as real as the present-day Arctic infrastructure. On the one hand, spirits and creatures inhabiting this infrastructure also become intrinsic to this world. On the other hand, it is a reflection on the essence of power and its metaphysical “infrastructural” status (whether power is profane or sacred, otherworldly or real). But it is also a decolonizing gesture that populates the state-controlled infrastructure with traditional mythological figures.

Electromagnetic probe

The fact that the infrastructure in the permafrost areas is built above the ground and is directly influenced by permafrost accounts for a number of important religious and civilizational features of geo-cultures that have taken shape here.

Birds figure prominently in the work of the Yakutsk-based artist Antonina Shadrina. Birds connect the ground and the air within the cosmology of Siberian pagan beliefs. Creatures and spirits that dwelled in the sky were guided by the same principles as were the humans that resided on Earth. Not unlike the gods of Ancient Greek, these creatures and spirits could descend on Earth and enter into various relationships with humans. Shadrina’s birds signify the world’s inseparability, the interconnectedness of everything, which, today, also adds an environmental dimension to the subject of major social migrations and population movements. The birds’ own kind of freedom in the works of this artist is only possible on the surface of the ground as the subterranean roots trap them, hold them and keep them from flying. While in the air, a bird becomes a totem, a mighty creature capable of encompassing the whole infrastructure with a gaze from above thereby claiming ownership of it. Memory and a link to the underworld with all its roots acquire here a somewhat fatal and even ominous character.

Universalizing, global deterritorialization processes engender the reverse reterritorialization once expressed in the “longing for one’s ancestral homeland”, “getting back to one’s roots”, or “national revivals” large and small. The indigenous peoples of the North have gone through a complex, multistage process of identity formation, which still continues today, as topical as ever. Involved in the interplay between the global and the local, the subterranean and the “above-the-ground” become significations of sorts, albeit not as straightforward as they may seem at the first glance. The Yakut pagan beliefs included an Upper world of their own, which was not connected to any globalization processes. It was later somewhat reimagined in the Olonkho [epic] and gained some traits of a universal national modernity.

The Northern Hero: the Strong Man and the Blacksmith

The person living on the face of Earth enters into special relationships with the Lower world. The Yakut Olonkho epic warriors often went under the ground to conquer a woman or to go through a series of trials. This is comparable to the concept of “conquering the depths of the Earth” in the Soviet narrative of modernization, for the Soviet ideologues believed that the riches of the Earth should be extracted, wrestled from its bowels through heroic effort fraught with many dangers and perils. In this sense, the Lower underground world is always a dangerous environment concealing a much-needed resource.

Nikolai Vetter. The Man who Works with Earth. Spiritual Sculptures

The epic 1934 movie documenting the rescue operation of the Lena Expedition trapped in ice reflects this heroic effort to assert the human power over nature that the nascent Soviet warrior society set out to do. The rescue of the ice-locked expedition was made possible thanks to the use of explosives and an icebreaker that violated the hard surface of ice/water.

The epic Olonkho warrior is always a strong man tempered in the furnaces of Kydai Bakhsi from whom he receives his armor and weapons. Kydai Bakhsi is a patron of smithcraft and the craft in general, which has traditionally been very important for the Yakuts. Legends have it that Kydai Bakhsi resides in the Lower world. In many other ethnic myths blacksmiths dealt with the underworld, “partnered” with evil spirits and possessed huge power.

The present-day Yakutian man of muscle Nikolay Vetter is known on the Internet as “the man who bends nails and metal” [5]. Vetter says he feels strength as a heaviness, which suddenly overcomes him and needs to be released or discharged somehow. In no small part, he receives this strength from his interaction with the subterranean: Vetter is a caretaker at one of Yakutsk’s cemeteries. Like ancient blacksmiths and Yakut epic warriors, he enters into special relationships with the metal, acquires a certain power over it and goes underground to replenish strength, to strike a “contract”. Furthermore, the outcome of his effort looks like abstract sculptures while what he makes with bare hands makes him a quintessential sculptor — a masculine human who makes a physical effort and masters the material.

The main topic explored by the well-known Yakutsk-based painter Mikhail Starostin is a Northerner. The artist is searching for a generalized image with the same recurrent attributes, such as snow goggles that also have been made from metal. They erase the individuality transforming a human face into a mask. This mask is a special subject shaped by the Arctic that plays the role of a “device” with the help of which people can adapt to and, at the same time, “medialize” oneself, or distance from the harsh environment.

Antonina Shadrina, Max Sher. Infrastructural Ethnography

A painting by an unknown artist provided by the Institute of Permafrost serves as a rhyme of sorts. In it, the human and the environment are abstracted ad maximum but the environment remains manifestly Arctic. Complex subject-object relationships in which the northerner and nature are entangled to a certain extent erases subjectivity, renders it uncertain and unstable — “floating”. In this context, it is fascinating to reflect on the Russian names of the Yakuts: as though intentionally “nondescript”, they function as a disguise, an avatar, while also inscribing themselves in the well-known tradition of changing babies’ names many times in order to confuse and drive away the evil spirits, the tradition that used to be observed by the Arctic peoples.

Deep or Up: Flowing of States

Humans have long been fascinated by the inner space of the Earth. This fascination has given rise to many legends and theories about the hollowness of the Earth and the various forms of life that may exist underneath. Vladimir A. Obruchev, for instance, the founding director of the Moscow Institute of Permafrost, wrote a novel titled Plutonia in which he describes a star at the core of the Earth and populates the planet’s inner surface with prehistoric animals and humans. The scholar has thus turned time into space by placing the past underground, which is essentially congruent with archeology’s constituent practice as well as with the popular perception of the underworld. Obruchev chose to place an orifice canal between the two worlds in the Arctic.

In his fairytale-like novel Dunno on the Moon, Nikolay N. Nosov located a capitalist civilization of shorties on the inner core of the moon (which the locals refer to as the Earth, too). Within the context of the historicist Soviet Marxism, this heterotopia also reflected another time — another historical formation that Communism was supposed to replace. In the meantime, a character in the Yakut fable Yi kyyha escapes to the Moon from the misfortunes and bitterness of her unhappy life and she does so by changing her physical state — literally, evaporating into atoms. The Earth offered to help the girl but she was afraid of the underworld and turned that help down. Artist Ayiyna Alexeeva depicts two episodes from this tale in her prints — the girl’s atomization while she is contemplating her bitter destiny and looking into an ice hole. This black hole in the ice leads deep inside, opening an entrance into the world underneath, the world of the dead.

In her animation Into the Deep, Alina Fedotova seeks to create a generalized, suggestive image of moving deep into Earth as an old dream of the humankind. At a certain point, moving deep into the planet becomes identical to flying into space. Traveling back in time suddenly turns inside out with the future and a new horizon, the one not yet attained, for humans have not yet been deep inside the Earth.

The first issue of the wall newspaper Yakutski Merzlotoved (“Yakutian Permafrost Scientist”), 1963.

Into the Deep looks like a hole, a funnel. That is exactly the way any mine or hole in the ground looks like, be it a well or an ice hole. References and allusions to the female element are laid bare here. The Earth is always female: it keeps its secrets and riches deep inside and they should be conquered (just like a woman is conquered in traditional societies) through a strong-willed masculine effort. Each in their own way, Olonkho epic warriors, scientists and pioneering geologists display this effort.

The Underground Museum of Eternity

The permafrost as a notion was constructed within the Soviet scientific discourse. Mikhail I. Sumgin put it to institutional use in 1927 [6]. A model of the permafrost was instrumental in order to be able to include engineering and construction projects for Arctic areas into the Soviet modernization project. Integral to this project was a perception of Nature as something external to Culture, something that had to be explored, conquered and subjugated, while eliminating all its properties that were negative and counterproductive for the humankind. However, the enigmas of the permafrost stirred futuristic imagination. Sumgin called it “the Russian Sphinx” and proposed the creation of a vast underground refrigerator museum where the bodies of animals and humans of various races would be kept for thousands of years. He also suggested that the museum’s holdings should include important manuscripts and that experiments with the state of anabiosis should be conducted on the museum’s premises.

Artist Irina Filatova revisits the ideas of the 1920s by placing portraits of the founders of the permafrost science into the Institute of Permafrost’s underground lab and by arranging video streaming “up to the surface”. Sumgin’s ideas are intrinsically connected to a range of utopian projects that today are considered avant-garde museology. In this sense they are no less valuable than Nikolay F. Fedorov’s thoughts on the museum. The form in which they had been implemented within the context of institutionalized science is all the more interesting for that. In Irina Filatova’s project, this “museum of eternity” now houses representations of the founders of the permafrost science. To create these representations the artist resorted to the medium that is primarily associated with reflections on eternity: oil painting.

Nearby the visitor can see several exhibits provided by the Yakutsk Institute of Permafrost, including books by Sumgin, his bust by Nina Velmina. Velmina, a hydrogeologist and permafrost scientist who designed water supply systems for Russia’s major Arctic ports, such as Tiksi, Dickson, and Provideniya, is a woman of many talents. She followed in the steps of the many Russian scientists before her who variously combined professional interest in science with a passion for artistic creativity. Velmina authored a book of science-fiction about the permafrost titled The Ice Sphinx and made illustrations for it herself.

Irina Filatova’s The Underground Museum of Eternity. A video streaming screenshot. Courtesy of Alexey Romanov

Upon retiring, Velmina took to sculpting and completed a full-fledged course taught by a well-known sculptor Valentina V. Alexandrova-Roslavleva at the Moscow House of Scientists’ People’s Studio. She then created a series of sculptured portraits of scientists and writers. The first issue of the Yakutski Merzlotoved (“The Yakutian Permafrost Scientist”) bulletin-board newspaper is also displayed in this section. It was published in celebration of the founding of the institute and of the permafrost lab in a new building in 1964.

X-raying the Surface

Extreme cold in Yakutia is associated with the advent of Ehee Diyla — a bull from the Arctic Ocean. This mythical animal embodied the features of both the familiar domestic bulls and the fossil mammoths whose remains are still found in the permafrost. During the ice drift on the Lena River, the body of the winter bull floats back to the Arctic Ocean sweeping away the souls of dead humans and animals. Dzhuliyana Semenova created “sneaking” photographs of ruptured surface of snow and ice, with an elusive secret embedded within them: a formation or a trace of the past that is hiding underneath the surface. The signs and patterns of her photographs signify the manifestations of a hidden structure, both in the ruptures of the material surface and in its image per se.

Yegor Sleptsov, on the contrary, seeks to X-ray or scan this surface in order to present a hypnotizing mark of another reality and to expose it by translating it into a precise language of figures and geophysical scans. The artist uses the Oko-2 (“Eye-2”) ground penetrating radar (GPR) to make imagery of underground rocks in the area surrounding Yakutsk. These “underground” structures largely define the physical existence of buildings and networks above the ground. The GPR-sourced imagery made by Sleptsov reveals the existence of a different, underground reality. But do they add anything significant to our understanding of any vital processes and mechanisms?

Semyonova’s and Sleptsov’s projects viewed together make visitors reflect on the limits of the Enlightenment processes. Is there a need to preserve some kind of a mystery, and only hint at its presence under the surface, or should we do our best to shed light on the invisible structures? Today it is clear that the result of this deconstruction and critique may seem no less complex and enigmatic than their starting point. And scientific imagery sourced from a radar may turn out to be a skillfully made artistic “fake” with an artist making minor but important modifications to the document, that raises a question about the legitimacy and verifiability of criteria of our scientific knowledge.