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moma: the modern movement in italy, 1954

Perhaps all writing of history presumes an absence or lack, which is one of the conditions that compel the historian to write. One form of absence resides in the object of study itself. It is an absence that, qualitatively, may be meaningful and crucial, or perhaps ancillary, anecdotal, or arcane. It may be total: the object may be previously unknown or mostly unknown (the historian’s dream come true). The object of study may be incomplete or may have been incomplete, it might have been corrupted, or perhaps its inherent attributes were imperceivable before the moment of writing. Another kind of absence emanates from outside the object of study, arising from a perceived lacuna in a discourse, discipline, or practice. The object may have been miscategorized or misidentified. External factors may have led it to be intentionally or unintentionally overlooked, underappreciated, or misvalued. Forgetting and amnesia play a role in external absences, as does the possibility that the object was subject to suppression, exclusion, erasure—an act of epistemic violence. The first kind of absence implies that the act of writing history provides missing information, whereas the second suggests the correcting of an error, omission, obfuscation, or prejudice. Of course, the distinction between these two absences is artificial, insofar as both require an author to establish the nature of the absence that the writing of history reveals or redresses, in relation to which she establishes a perspective or method—keeping in mind that perspective and method (systems of knowledge, models of reading, ideology, author positions, etc.) are never neutral or objective and may be the reason for the absence.

In addition to the above incomplete, myopic schema, there are at least two other forms of absence that complicate the historian’s task: uncertain absences and non-problematic absences. In the former, the reason for or nature of the absence is unclear, even after digging, studying, and researching. The object of study itself proves mute or opaque, sometimes to such a degree that one can only infer its nature by looking at its effects (or lack of effects) on other objects or on its context (discourse). It is similar to the way in which astronomers study black holes by examining the matter swirling around them. Uncertainty still suggests a method: it means writing around and adjacent to the object of study rather than about it, for there may be no way to approach it directly in a substantive manner. Non-problematic absences haunt every writer—the reason for the lack of appreciation for or awareness of an object may be that it is not interesting or barely affects the discourses around it. It unsettles the writer because she may not recognize its unimportance, or worse, she thinks it is important, only to find out that no one else agrees. The challenge of non-problematic and uncertain absences is that they can be confused and they can overlap. There is a danger in the compulsion to write when the absence is uncertain or non-problematic; it can lead to a tendency to inflate or overdetermine the object. On the other hand, if the uncertainty or problematic nature of the object are left open and made transparent, the compulsion to write remains with the author, and the writing of history may open to unforeseen readings.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The 1954 Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) exhibition The Modern Movement in Italy, curated by Ada Louise Huxtable, is a veritable black hole, and it is likely a problematic object. [1] Huxtable is best remembered as the New York Times’s prolific architecture critic, a title that she held from 1963 to 1982. She is credited with establishing architectural criticism as a journalistic field in its own right in America, and she is regarded as one of the finest critics of the twentieth century, penning countless reviews both laudatory and biting. Huxtable authored a dozen books, including editions of her collected writings. [2] She received numerous awards, the highest of which was the inaugural Pulitzer Prize for Criticism in 1970. [3] She got her start at the Museum of Modern Art: Philip Johnson, director of the Department of Architecture and Design, hired her in 1946 as an assistant curator while she was studying architectural history at New York University. She worked in the Department, contributing to various exhibition designs, until 1950, when she earned a Fulbright Grant to study architecture in Italy. She spent a year abroad based out of the Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia (IUAV), visiting buildings and meeting architects, engineers, and planners. [4] It was a critical time: reconstruction was in full swing, as massive government programs (heavily funded with Marshall Plan monies) aimed at the nation-wide housing crisis as well as rebuilding Italy’s industry. As the fledgling democracy took shape, so too did domestic political battles and international Cold War politics, which in Italy were especially intense given the power of the Italian Communist Party and the American government’s desire to blunt its electoral success. Despite the challenges of reconstruction amidst the creation of a new political order, architects produced provocative buildings, urban designs, and products for the home and office. Huxtable could not have chosen a more fascinating moment to be in Italy, or to install an exhibition at MoMA.

The 1940s and 1950s at MoMA were an intense two decades, hosting landmark shows that transformed architectural culture. Built in USA (1944), curated by Elizabeth Bauer Mock, surveyed trends in American architecture, emphasizing material technique and contemporary lifestyle. Built in USA was a counterpoint to Johnson and Hitchcock’s doctrinaire Modern Architecture exhibit of 1932, as well as the vanguardism of shows regarding Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe, European luminaries, and the Bauhaus, and the subtly insecure tone of exhibitions aimed at forging a lineage for an explicitly American approach to modern architecture, such as the survey of H.H. Richardson’s opus. [5] The follow-up exhibition Built in USA: Post-War Architecture (1953) was just as influential, charting, with a kind of triumphalism, eclectic yet undeniably high-quality American approaches to mid-century architecture that were no longer self-conscious and were ready for international export. [6] Conversely, shows dedicated to Buckminster Fuller and to surveys of west coast architecture demonstrated a forward-looking, focused assessment of important domestic figures and developments, while exhibits of Frank Lloyd Wright’s work, famously excluded from Modern Architecture, stood apart from everyone and everything. The 1941 Organic Design in Home Furnishings show, as well as the Good Design program based on eponymous exhibitions staged almost annually from 1950 to 1955, introduced Americans to new lifestyles that married progressive approaches to the home with new materials and techniques. [7] Full-scale demonstration houses by Marcel Breuer, Buckminster Fuller, Gregory Ain, as well as a Japanese house designed by Junzo Yoshimura, all erected in the MoMA garden, allowed the public to physically place themselves inside of design. International retrospectives made crucial contributions to the survey of global architectural trends. In addition to monographic shows, exhibits and publications included Brazil Builds in 1943, Two Cities (Rio and Chicago) in 1947, and Architecture of Japan in 1955. [8]

Model of Marcel Breuer’s house in the MoMA garden. “House in the Museum Garden MoMA” exhibition. Photo: Ezra Stoller © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Italy was the focus of two important exhibitions. First was Twentieth-Century Italian Art in 1949, curated by Alfred Barr, Jr. and James Thrall Soby. [9] The epic show codified Futurism’s place in the genetic lineage of modern art (corresponding to Barr’s famous 1936 diagram) while expanding the survey of Italian tendencies to include pittura metafisica, Novecento, and Italian realism. Barr and Soby traveled throughout Italy to study the scene, acquire loans, and make purchases to expand MoMA’s sparse Italian collection. This crucial exhibition was one of many exchanges between MoMA and Italy during this period, which intensified after the Italian Communist Party’s defeat in the 1948 elections, resulting in a greater commitment by the Department of State to using international cultural programs as an instrument of Cold War strategy. [10] Three years later, Olivetti: Design in Industry cut a cross section through the industrial firm’s two decades of work in the factory town of Ivrea, emphasizing the manner in which Olivetti elided design, engineering, manufacturing, industrial objects, and architecture. [11] While the exhibition failed to capture how design was entangled with Adriano Olivetti’s center-left postwar politics and the activities of the Movimento di Comunità, the show launched the narrative of Italy as a progressive nation whose design and home products were synonymous with quality, imagination, and fashion. It anticipated the boom economico and foreshadowed the mid-century global obsession with Italian design.

Fresh off her travels, Huxtable returned to an institution that had begun to craft a narrative The Modern Movement in Italy because little exists: save for a positive review in the New York Times, a descriptive featurette in the magazine Contract Interiors, and an essay by Huxtable in Art Digest (where she was a contributing writer and editor), it was ignored by the press. [12] There were no conferences, lectures, or symposia. Conceived as part of an education program of traveling exhibits organized by Porter McCray, director of the International Program that aimed at extending MoMA’s expertise and resources to local museums and universities, The Modern Movement in Italy circulated to nine institutions from the east to west coast, as well as two in Canada—none left a trace. [13] Unlike other exhibits at MoMA, it birthed no books, although Huxtable employed her research in her 1960 monograph on engineer Pier Luigi Nervi. More perplexing is the sparse documentation in the Museum of Modern Art archives: only a few photographs, a checklist, and a press release. The exhibition is not noted in any detail in MoMA’s Bulletins, which usually highlighted retrospectives, even of secondary import. It is telling that in 1964, when a comprehensive survey was undertaken to document the history of the Department of Architecture and Design, Huxtable’s show was left out. [14] Unlike curators such as Elizabeth Mock and Janet Henrich O’Connell, Huxtable is excluded from surveys of women’s contributions to MoMA. [15] To all intents and purposes, The Modern Movement in Italy was a non-event, registering no impact on architectural discourse or MoMA’s legacy. However, a close reading of the exhibition and its context, which focuses as much on what was excluded, may explain why it did not resonate, why it likely served its purpose, and why it was symptomatic of historical, cultural, and political uncertainties that haunted Italian architecture in the 1950s.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The Modern Movement in Italy was almost entirely image-based, consisting of enlarged photographs of buildings, drawings, and domestic products. The pictorial panels were complemented by a handful of pieces of flatware and glassware, along with sculpture drawn from the Museum’s collection, including a bronze equestrian by Marino Marini as well as Umberto Boccioni’s Development of a Bottle in Space (1912) and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space (1913) which Alfred Barr, Jr. acquired in 1948 from Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s widow. [16] However, it is unclear how the sculptures related to the exhibition content, particularly given the absence of Futurist or Novecento architecture or drawings. Rather than tracing Italian modernism’s origin to the Liberty style or Futurism, Huxtable begins in the mid-1930s, claiming that it was only then that the language of the International Style transformed into something definably Italian. [17] She organized her show into five sections: an introductory space which surveyed pre- and postwar architecture; “The Early Work,” which situated the paragon of Italian modernism’s formal vocabulary in the refined Comasco Rationalism of Giuseppe Terragni, Pietro Lingeri, Cesare Cattaneo, and Luigi Figini and Gino Pollini; “Architecture and the State,” a cursory selection of realized works and competition designs for the Fascist regime; the oddly named “The Italian Contributions,” which formed the bulk of the show and surveyed the work of Nervi, the Olivetti Corporation, exhibition design, and commercial and retail architecture; and a miscellaneous collection of “Postwar Work” and “Design.” Despite this structure, the categorizing of projects is at times unclear: Terragni’s Casa del Fascio di Como is placed in “The Early Work” section rather than with works for the State, while the selection of home and office products ranged from glassware to sports cars, without offering a means of understanding their commonalities beyond being Italian. Juxtaposing design objects with architectural masterworks epitomized Ernesto Rogers’s theorem “from the spoon to the city,” which meant that, beyond buildings, Italian architectural practice includes extending taste and quality (i.e., design) to every scale of human life, but it is unclear whether MoMA’s audience understood this message. [18]

Giuseppe Terragni. Casa del Fascio di Como. C. 1936

Huxtable’s selections are highly consistent, bordering on blinkered. The language of Italian modernism was made explicit through Figini and Pollini’s demonstration house built for the 1933 Triennale di Milano, Cattaneo’s palazzina in Cernobbio, and a Milanese housing complex by Terragni and Lingeri. The Como Casa del Fascio was afforded more images than any other building, positioning it as the apotheosis of northern Rationalism. Huxtable’s choices for representing regime architecture are perplexing: Gardella’s tuberculous treatment facility, the Unione dei lavoratori dell’industria in Como by Catteneo and Lingeri, the unrealized Brera Art School by Figini, Pollini, Terragni and Lingeri, and designs by BBPR, as well as by Albini, Gardella, Romano, and Palanti for the Esposizione Univerale Roma of 1942. These selections misrepresent the scope of Fascist building programs and the Party’s instrumentalizing of modernist aesthetics. Nervi’s works and the Olivetti complex comprise the heart of the show, represented through a dozen designs that depict an array of Nervi’s experiments and offer a comprehensive view of Olivetti’s aspiration for a humane architecture, city, and workplace. The exhibition included images from the 1951 Triennale di Milano as well as works by Franco Albini, and Angelo Bianchetti and Cesare Pea, all three of whose schemes for commercial interiors appear. Postwar buildings shown included housing complexes by Figini and Pollini, the new Roma Termini, a market by Gaetano Minnucci, and a thin-shell concrete market in Pescia designed by Giuseppe Gori, Leonardo Ricci, Leonardo Savioli, Emilio Brizzi, and Enzo Gori. Two memorials conclude the exhibition: the delicate frame of the Monumento ai caduti nei campi nazisti (Monument to the victims of the Nazi camps) designed by BBPR, and the floating monolith of the Fosse Ardeatine—a memorial to Romans murdered by Nazis during the city’s occupation—designed by Mario Fiorentino, Giuseppe Perugini, Nello Aprile, and Cino Calcaprina.

Huxtable’s approach to establishing the lines of Italian Modernism is doctrinaire: she asserts that it was only through a conscious break with Italian traditions that a “mature” architecture took hold. [19] Notwithstanding the press release claiming that the show features Huxtable’s original research, the images that she used are almost all iconic photographs that had been published in Casabella, Domus, Architettura, and Quadrante. Nearly all of the pre-war works are found in Alberto Sartoris’s atlas Gli elementi dell’architettura funzionale, the third edition of which, published in 1941, undoubtedly served as a reference for Huxtable. [20] By declaring Terragni, Lingeri, Cattaneo, and Figini and Pollini the leading visionaries of the interwar era, Huxtable privileges the most polemical experiments of the 1930s as the nadir from which postwar modernism must be evaluated. In fact, with the exception of Roma Termini and the Fosse Ardeatine, all of the architecture exhibited is from the north and east coast of Italy. The enormous body of regime architecture is absent, as are crucial works including the Florence train station, progressive buildings constructed for the New Towns and the vacation colonies, and the Roman post offices by Mario Ridolfi and Adalberto Libera. Huxtable excludes architecture employing vernacular materials such as stone or wood in favor of buildings surfaced in stucco and smooth stone (the Fosse Ardeatine being the exception). Notwithstanding Nervi’s structural bravado, the expressive forms and structural patterns of which (Huxtable suggests) show an ornamental, decorative approach to concrete, Huxtable chose the most abstract examples of Italian design, featuring simple volumes, orthogonal composition, and relentless structural frames. She even describes the postwar departure from the geometric rigor of prewar work as “stimulating and disturbing” for its diversity, although she shows no buildings that illustrate her contention. [21] By highlighting the most compositionally inventive buildings, emphasizing large-scale housing as well as institutional and transportation buildings, Huxtable imposes the legacy of a narrowly defined Rationalism on a narrower selection of postwar projects to create the impression of a formal and aesthetic continuity that was now entering an uncertain phase.

Pier Luigi Nervi. Municipal Stadium, Florence. C. 1939 © Pier Luigi Nervi Project, Brussels

The selections can be partly attributed to Huxtable’s residency at IUAV. Just before her arrival, the school’s rector Giuseppe Samonà had begun assembling an extraordinary faculty: urbanist Luigi Piccinato, architect and designer Franco Albini, urbanist Giovanni Astengo, architect Ignazio Gardella, and historian Bruno Zevi. “Venice School” architects Albini and Gardella feature prominently in The Modern Movement in Italy. Despite his predilections against rationalism and his curious theories of organicism, Zevi’s influence on Huxtable was significant: in addition to introducing her to his history of modernism, published in 1950, he encouraged her to see architecture as the art of space. [22] However, the most critical experience for Huxtable appears to have been the 1951 Triennale di Milano. If the 1947 Triennale, with its focus on housing, economics, and material experimentation, had an urgent, essential tone, it was the 1951 Triennale that broached the topic of reconciliation between postwar democratic Italy and the Fascist entanglements with prewar modernism. In addition to installations that returned architecture to fundamental, transhistorical issues—form, symbolic proportion, light, space, and the human being as the measure of all things—the patrimony of architects who did not survive the war (Terragni, Edoardo Persico, Raffaelo Giolli, and Pagano) was reassessed in the context of the “political difficulties” that cast a shadow over modernism and the ethical obligations of architects. [23] As Ernesto Nathan Rogers later put it, the question of “continuity or crisis?”—would the postwar period require a break with the symbolism, abstraction, and polemics of the interwar era that made architecture so instrumental for the Fascist Party’s program, or could modernism be recuperated and redirected toward democratic, human ends—required looking backward and looking inward. [24] Given that many modernists did survive the war, all of whom had been members of the Fascist Party, and insofar as the monumentalist excesses of the late 1930s and early 1940s offered no viable architectural language for the new democracy, Italian architects during the 1950s struggled with uncertainty about the way forward.

Surveys published in 1954 and 1955 that coincide with Huxtable’s exhibition demonstrate the challenge of reframing Italian design amidst the drive to historicize Fascism. Paolo Nestler’s Neues Bauen in Italien lionizes the Rationalists as engaged in intellectual combat for the renovation of Italian architecture against regressive traditionalists, but concludes that Rationalism for all its strengths neither evolved a uniquely Italian modernism, nor did it vanquish the historicizing tendencies genetic to Italian culture. The images in his book are distant and cold, objectifying buildings to emphasize formal vocabularies and chiaroscuro effects. [25] Carlo Pagani’s Architettura Italiana Oggi begins by lamenting the “political frame” that had been laid over prewar architecture; he then, however, argues that the Rationalists produced high-quality designs that nonetheless failed to improve on their European precedents: instead of being grasped, the opportunity created by the Rationalists slipped away as their increasingly shrill rhetoric linked modernism to Italian tradition in an effort curry favor with the Fascist regime. Focusing on building types and employing images depicting relaxed domestic lifestyles, Pagani’s softer approach to Italian modernism aimed at moving beyond politics rather than asking hard questions. [26] G.E. Kidder-Smith’s 1955 book Italia Costruisce evaluates twentieth-century Italy with an anthropological eye, readily embracing contrasts between abstract forms, material textures, and vernacular profiles. His eclectic survey of buildings and diverse selection of imagery, including urban scenes, landscapes, and public events, situate modern architecture in the climatic and cultural context of Italy. His emphasis on people and place as that which unifies Italian architecture reflects the “continuity” ideology promoted by Rogers, who penned the book’s introduction. [27] All three authors marginalize or even expurge the classicist, monumental projects of the 1930s. However, what Pagani’s and Kidder-Smith’s books demonstrate, and what is absent Huxtable’s show, was the growing use of vernacular forms, local materials, and indigenous tectonics to impart a sense of immediacy and realism, the rise of the Neoliberty style with its eclectic and occasionally medieval allusions, and theories of “preexisting conditions” and the poetics of a sometimes refined, sometimes modest, humble historicism. [28] Taken together, these tendencies underline that the answer to the question “Continuity or discontinuity?” was in favor of the former—in favor of a continuity that could incorporate contradictions, disagreements, and ambiguities, so that architectural culture could move forward while skirting hard questions. Given that nearly every leading architect in the 1950s had been a Fascist Party member or had grown up under the only political system that they had ever known, the incorporation of uncertainties and ambiguities made “continuity” professionally appealing and intellectually expedient.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Whereas this struggle is not overtly depicted in The Modern Movement in Italy, perhaps because Huxtable saw only the first act of a long, complex drama, there is a politics to her selections which reflects some understanding of the rewriting of interwar history that was underway in Italy. Indeed, a simplified variation of the continuity thesis framed her exhibition: “Fine decorative sense, feeling for color, material and pattern, and willingness to experiment and invent have characterized the Italian contribution to postwar architecture and design. This exhibition demonstrates that these qualities stem from a logical and continuing growth during the past quarter century.” [29] However, to focus on her aesthetically sanitized and politically bleached exhibition misunderstands the politics of her show, which is best understood through what is absent. Huxtable’s installation purges architects whose work was tempered by overt allusions to classicism and especially anyone too close to the Fascist Party. She characterizes the Rationalists as victims of Roman academicism which by the 1940s held a “dictatorship” over architectural culture. The most glaring exclusions of architects who were instrumental in the formulation of prewar modernism are of Adalberto Libera, who tarnished his reputation with his design for the partially realized 1942 xenophobic and antisemitic Mostra della Razza (Exhibition on Race), and Luigi Moretti, who was a Fascist deputy and participated in the Republic of Salò, earning him jail time after the war. Some lacunae are difficult to explain, such as Carlo Mollino and Gio Ponti, and the omission of essential Rationalist architects such as Giuseppe Pagano, Mario Ridolfi, and Alberto Sartoris (perhaps the most important Rationalist theorist) is even more perplexing. Other absences reflect Cold War politics: center-left socialist architects feature prominently among the postwar work, but the exhibition includes no designs by architects who were members of or sympathetic toward the Italian Communist Party.

The mission of the Fulbright Foundation, which funded Huxtable’s studies, was to further international educational exchanges that would promote American values and perspectives abroad, while introducing scholars from other countries to the cultural offerings of the United States. While the Foundation was not easily instrumentalized in a direct manner as a propaganda tool, it nonetheless aligned with the US foreign policy goal of encouraging cross-cultural dialogues to counter Soviet propaganda. [30] Monies flowing into the Museum of Modern Art similarly sought to encourage international exchanges that would bolster America’s stature. The Modern Movement in Italy was one of many exhibitions funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Foundation, whose donations to MoMA sought “to encourage the exchange of art exhibitions between the United States and other countries.” [31] As historian Paolo Scrivano notes, Italo-American dialogues around architecture and design made extensive use of exhibitions and publications to build political and cultural bridges. MoMA exhibitions, such as Built in USA were restaged in Italy, while American agencies funded publications, programs, and initiatives related to reconstruction and the reorganization of the architectural profession. Whereas these efforts reflect the aspiration to encourage a liberal, democratic, postwar global order rooted in knowledge, debate, and culture, they never ran afoul of the agenda of blunting Soviet expansion. [32] Although there is no evidence that Huxtable consciously excluded communist architects from The Modern Movement in Italy, their presence, given the order of the world in 1954, would have been as problematic as that of fascists such as Libera or Moretti.

The single-mindedness of The Modern Movement in Italy can be understood as offering an architectural primer that established ground rules for assessing how postwar architects were reconciling the intertwined legacy of Fascism and modernism. Like Nestler’s, Pagani’s, and Kidder-Smith’s surveys, those ground rules began by deciding what and who to exclude for political and discursive reasons. In this regard, this body of work is less about modernism as an object of study and more about the postwar political context of that object. Nestler and Pagani approach the question from a domestic Italian perspective, and both acknowledge the political problems of Fascism in order to quickly move past them. Kidder-Smith and Huxtable view Italy from without, the former adopting an anthropological approach and the latter an art historical one, and both American writers also hasten to set Fascism aside. They all reach the same conclusion: the quality of Italian modernism, while never reaching its full potential, was too significant to be diminished by politics, whereas politics proved much easier to erase. On the other hand, The Modern Movement in Italy demonstrates the many modes in which American political and cultural efforts operated at home and abroad. It was never intended to be a massive retrospective: instead, it was crafted as one of many efforts organized by MoMA, using funds dedicated to encouraging transnational exchanges in order to reinforce geopolitical agendas. Given that the show was designed as an instrument of education rather than a critical retrospective of Italian architecture, Huxtable’s curation takes on a different light.

Curating can sometimes be understood as an art of exclusion—an art that is as much about technique as it is about communication and politics. If read in the context of Ada Louise Huxtable’s storied career, her selections for The Modern Movement in Italy are myopic: she misrepresents the 1930s and addresses none of the pressing social and human issues that were churning Italian society in 1954. In the context of the history of MoMA her show deserves better than to be entirely forgotten, but perhaps merits little more than a footnote or a few sentences. Huxtable’s exhibition is more meaningfully understood in the context of the postwar international stocktaking of Italian modernism. The Modern Movement in Italy coincided with a moment that was both fecund and fraught. It was fecund because, in a few short years between 1949 and 1955, there were countless retrospectives, exhibitions, and books reevaluating modernism’s legacy and its uncertain postwar trajectory. It was fraught because the field was oversaturated and therefore hard to stand out from. The nuances and uncertainties of Italian postwar architecture did not translate easily into the straightjacket of an exhibition.

The issue in the postwar stocktaking of Italian modernism was whether this movement had traits and characteristics of intrinsic value that could serve as the basis for a continued postwar modernism, free from the taint of Fascism. This stocktaking, which addressed both domestic and international audiences, always involved politically driven choices of what was to be excluded, forgotten, or erased. Unlike Germany, where much architecture was destroyed, most of Italy’s fascist-era buildings remained standing after the war. Publications, histories, and exhibitions became the chief means, through curation as exclusion, of constructing alternative histories and narratives that diminished, marginalized, or recast these monuments and architectures even as they continued to be used as functional buildings. Huxtable’s exhibition, with its limitations and distortions, underlines how the politics of continuity required a parallel program of erasure and forgetting, one that, for all its uncertainty, proved to be convenient, instrumental, and, indeed, essential, in both Italy and America.

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museum perspectives

The reconstruction of museums has long been equated with their expansion. This is partly necessitated by growth in the size of exhibits, as the spatial aspect has been essential to many post-war art forms, such as installation and land art. The dematerialization of art has not been able to stem the tide of demand for physical exhibition space. On the contrary, digital technologies have made it possible to document performances and reproduce ephemeral events in the form of numerous square feet of photographic print and thousands of characters of accompanying text, and to do so easily and almost uncontrollably.

So the drive to expand seems to derive from a transformation in the nature of art and to be inevitable. The trend is not specific to a particular geographic region or phase of development of the culture industry. It is happening in the United States (where a new Whitney Museum building by architect Renzo Piano was opened in 2015, and the renovated and enlarged San Francisco Museum of Modern Art opened to visitors in 2016), in Europe (where the long-awaited new wing of Tate Modern opened in 2016) and in Russia (where a new building is being designed for the National Center of Contemporary Art, as well as a whole museum quarter for the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts). These are just a few, high-profile examples of a much broader trend: new museums opening today aim to achieve unprecedented capacity from the outset.

But capacity for what? If we are talking about works of art, then, as Hal Foster noted, Richard Serra, for example, undoubtedly produces great work, ‘but that doesn’t mean that its size should be the standard measure of exhibition space’. [1] Moreover, a significant part of the space in museums today is taken up by rest zones, food courts, and retail areas.

Limiting ourselves to museums of modern art, we notice that, despite offering new exhibition strategies and pondering the very phenomenon of museumification, they tend inexorably to expand their floor area. Take the flagship Museum of Modern Art in New York, one of the first museums of its kind and the most famous of them all. First opened in 1929 it has moved several times from a smaller to a larger building and is now preparing to expand once again.

But there comes a limit to any expansion. And here we might recall the museum that lent MoMA its name (though Anson Conger Goodyear insisted that the borrowing was inadvertent) [2] and part of its collection, but which—most importantly for our purposes—was based on a model that was diametrically opposed to that of MoMA.

A museum of modern art vs The Museum of Modern Art

In 1920, artist and collector Katherine Sophie Dreier, together with Marcel Duchamp and Man Ray, founded Société Anonyme, Inc: The Museum of Modern Art: 1920. The first exhibition of this ‘experimental’ museum took place in May 1920 at 19 East 47th Street in New York City, where the heterodoxy of the idea was immediately apparent. The organizers sought to make a space akin to a dwelling, where intimacy and human scale contrasted with the grandeur of national museums. Katherine Dreier was dissatisfied with vast unitary spaces, such as that which hosted the Armory Show. She believed they left the visitor with no emotion except that of being lost and isolated from the artworks. The Société Anonyme wanted to exhibit art in less spacious premises that ‘articulated like small rooms’, [3] but not because it intended to exhibit art to potential buyers as they would see it when they had taken it home. The museum, despite its misleading name (‘société anonyme’ in French means ‘limited company’, suggesting Dadaist wordplay on the part of the founders) [4] emphasized the non-profit nature of its activities. ‘The Museum does not sell any works exhibited under its direction but gladly brings any prospective buyer directly in touch with the artist,’ stated the flyer to the exhibition of 1921. [5]

Dreier’s idea was that people should not come to art in order to worship it. To achieve a full understanding of art, one has to live with it, neither considering it as decoration nor evaluating the interior that results from its presence in terms of good or bad taste. ‘Today our greatest danger is our good taste,’ she stated, worried by how fashionable concerns were displacing the challenges and transformative potential of modern art. [6] So, for the Société Anonyme, the museum should evoke a home rather than a temple. [7]

International Exhibition of Modern Art by the Société Anonyme. 1926–1927, Brooklyn Museum © Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University

Denying hierarchies was a fundamental principle of the Société Anonyme. The Société collected and exhibited not only the most challenging art of the time (abstract art not yet known to a wider audience), but also artists who would need years of struggle to arrive at the Olympian heights of other museums. The Soviet avant-garde was out of sight for Americans in the 1920s, for political reasons, but there was other art which, for a long period of time, was valued only for its exotic nature, such as the art of Latin America. ‘We have to change our attitude towards Latin races and recognise the great contribution which they have made and continue to make to civilisation,’ Dreier insisted. [8] Finally, thanks to Dreier, who was a suffragette, the Société Anonyme brought to the pubic gaze an unprecedented quantity of works by female artists: Marthe Donas, Suzanne Duchamp, Sophie Tauber-Arp, Lyubov Popova, Nadezhda Udaltsova, Milly Steger, and others.

The Museum of Modern Art, with Alfred H. Barr as its director, also began by exploring new and unknown art, addressing itself to the not-yet-established living artists of the current time. But it quickly shook off any reputation for being an innovative and experimental institution, and returned to the stereotype of the temple-like museum. The radical difference between the identity of MoMA compared with the Société Anonyme is apparent from a MoMA eulogy that appeared in the The New York Times of 1932: ‘Novitiate has passed. Still young in years but rich in experience and accomplishment, it [the Museum of Modern Art] has demonstrated ability to play the role of modern chronicler and prophet in New York.’ [9]

The deliberately anti-hierarchical stance behind the Société Anonyme collection came largely from Katherine Dreier’s reflections on the relationship between idea and patent. Dreier articulated the problem of authorship in a new way. A museum had to contain ‘art, not personalities’. ‘The person who gets the recognition isn’t necessarily the only person who conceived the idea,’ Dreier stated. ‘There are all these other people who reinforce the idea and contribute to it who are unknown.’ [10]

Although rejecting hierarchies, the Société Anonyme could not forego making judgments, but it did not assume that any judgment was more correct than any other. Marcel Duchamp, talking to Pierre Cabanne about the Société Anonyme, confessed that he almost never went to museums, including the Louvre: ‘I have these doubts about the value of the judgments which decided that all these pictures should be presented to the Louvre, instead of others which weren’t even considered, and which might have been there.’ [11] So the anti-hierarchical stance of the Société is essentially a noteworthy extension of Duchamp’s famous question: what makes an object a work of art? ‘Is the museum the final form of comprehension, of judgment?’ he asked Cabanne. A work of art becomes such in the eyes of a spectator: ‘It is the onlooker who makes the museum, who provides the elements of the museum.’ [12]

We can see, in this context, why the Société Anonyme could so nonchalantly relinquish its own exhibition space: the museum only kept its original premises until 1923, after which the collection was kept at Katherine Dreier’s home. [13] Although this deterritorialization was forced, it was in perfect harmony with the museum’s ‘horizontal’ program. Instead of establishing itself on a particular plot of earth, the Société used other institutional venues to acquaint the maximum number of people with the art that it promoted and, thereby, to perform one of its main stated missions, that of education. Indeed, the museum was committed to such a nomadic style of life even when it still had a permanent location. As reported in American Art News on May 21, 1921, the Société’s exhibition of ‘extremist’ art, held in the summer of 1921, was scheduled to arrive in Massachusetts in the autumn, and afterwards to make a tour of other American cities. [14] Subsequent projects, which sometimes included lectures, discussions, and conferences, were held in venues from Manhattan to the Brooklyn Museum, where a significant exhibition opened in 1926, to art galleries in Buffalo and Toronto and in schools and universities. To some of these places the Société Anonyme returned more than once.

Katherine S. Dreier and Marcel Duchamp in the library at The Haven, her estate in West Redding, CT. Late summer 1936, shortly after Duchamp had repaired his Large Glass © Yale University Art Gallery

The Société Anonyme, in Duchamp’s words ‘contrasting sharply with the commercial trend of our times,’ [15] was finally sunk by the financial crisis of the 1930s. In 1941 it handed over its collection to Yale University Art Gallery and in 1950 the collection was dissolved.

The New York Museum of Modern Art thus obtained a monopoly on contemporary art. Funded by the Rockefeller fortune and moving to larger premises three times in the first 10 years of its existence, its ethos as a museum was the antithesis of the Société Anonyme. MoMA’s aim was to become the only museum of contemporary art, absorbing weaker structures. In an extensive memorandum entitled ‘Theory and Content of an Ideal Permanent Collection,’ which Alfred Barr sent to the Board of Trustees in 1933, he noted the existence of other collections of modern art, including the Société Anonyme, and recommended keeping in touch with their owners in case they could be persuaded to transfer their works to the Museum of Modern Art. [16] The MoMA ethos, rather than that of the Société Anonyme, would be the prime model for other cultural institutions exhibiting modern art, first in the United States and then in Europe.

Refinding the path: The Stedelijk Museum

Dreier, Duchamp and Man Ray did not blaze a trail, but they marked a path. In America the path quickly grew over, but not in Europe, where it was kept open after World War II thanks to the directors of the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam. I will discuss the immediate post-war period of the Museum’s
existence under the directorship of Willem Sandberg (1945–1963). Sandberg was an admirer of Alfred Barr, [17] but he was also the person who kept the vision of Dreier’s Société alive and at the forefront of international museum life.

Sandberg began work to reconstruct the Stedelijk immediately after World War II. However the only increase in the museum’s exhibition space between then and 2004 was the addition of a small wing in 1954. [18]

The reason why spatial enlargement was not significant (and even not desirable) for a museum with a collection among the best in the world is clear from something Sandberg said in a lecture at London’s Institute of Contemporary Arts in 1973. ‘Today we don’t want to live with what we are expected to venerate. We really don’t know if museums, and specially museums of contemporary art, should exist in eternity. <...> Ideally, art should once again be integrated in daily life, should go out on the streets, enter the buildings, become a necessity.’ [19]

Sandberg put forward the same propositions as Katherine Dreier. Firstly, museums should not be perceived as temples and the hierarchical thinking that goes with such a view is to be rejected. Secondly, and relatedly, art is to be lived with rather than worshipped. And if the Société Anonyme made its exhibition spaces akin to rooms in a home, Sandberg suggested an even more radical path away from aggrandizement of the museum building. He said, bluntly: ‘This should be the major aim of the museum: to make itself redundant.’ [20]

Seen in this light, the strategy shared by the Société Anonyme and the Stedelijk is perfectly consistent: it played down the role of buildings and fostered cooperation with other institutions in order to display exhibits outside the limits of the museum’s own architecture. [21] The Stedelijk’s artworks travelled to meet new viewers instead of becoming entrenched on their own territory. The Museum of Modern Art had, by the 1960s, intermittently raised the question of whether it should lend artworks from its collection to other museums and galleries, [22] but nothing had come of it. The Stedelijk and its collection had been guests elsewhere as often as they had been hosts on their own turf. Without emphasizing this information, and providing it among other statistics on Stedelijk activity in his usual lower case lettering, Sandberg noted in 1961 that 50 exhibitions a year were held in the museum building, while 50 more were hosted by other institutions. [23]

Some of the Stedelijk’s external projects were one-offs, but others led to new things. In 1958, for example, Willem Sandberg found common ground with Paolo Marinotti, head of the International Centre for Art and Costume in Venice’s Palazzo Grassi, and together they immediately conceived the idea of the exhibition Vitalità nell’arte (Vitality in Art). It was presented in 1959–1960 at the Palazzo Grassi and the Stedelijk Museum, before moving to the Kunsthalle Recklinghausen and the Louisiana Museum in Copenhagen. [24] Sandberg pursued the cooperation with Marinotti in a thematically related joint exhibition entitled Natuur en Kunst (Nature and Art). These projects expanded the boundaries of the museum, but the expansion was not in terms of space but in terms of what the museum was capable of doing. Natuur en Kunst, as if saluting Duchamp, displayed natural objets trouvés, such as pieces of wood and stone, handcrafted objects made out of shells and wood, as well as amateur paintings. [25]

Sandberg also cooperated enthusiastically with the Moderna Museet in Stockholm. The exhibition Bewogen Beweging (Moving Movement, the cover of the exhibition catalogue featured Bicycle Wheel by Marcel Duchamp) curated by Moderna Museet director Pontus Hulten in 1961 spent six weeks in Amsterdam’s Stedelijk before moving to Stockholm, changing its name to Art in Motion, and then arriving on the already familiar territory of the Louisiana Museum. [26]

Bewogen Beweging, exhibition catalogue. 1961

The extent to which the museum wall was for Sandberg a vague and conditional boundary (the wall in Sandberg’s new wing was of glass) is also exemplified by his attempt to work with the Situationist International. [27] In 1959–1960, Sandberg and the Situationists planned a three-day drift (dérive) to be simultaneously effected in two rooms of the Stedelijk, transformed into a labyrinth, and in the streets of Amsterdam (the plan did not come to fruition due to potential dangers of the labyrinth installation). [28]

Evolutionary perspectives

It would be an easy step from the Dadaist background of the Société Anonyme and Sandberg’s utopian remarks about the superfluity of museums as institutions to a nihilist rhetoric, espousing anti-museum concepts. I prefer, though, to use the similarity of structure and operation between the Société and Sandberg’s Stedelijk to help define a particular type of museum, which can be seen, from the perspective proposed by Svetlana Boym, as ‘off modern’. It is something that ‘involves exploration of the side alleys and lateral potentialities of the project of critical modernity’, [29] revealing potential paths of development that had not been noticed before.

The philosophical concepts that Dreier and Sandberg relied on do in fact have a common source. Dreier was fascinated by theosophy and spiritualism, and was influenced by the work of Henri Bergson, and this background helps to explain the selection of artists, whose work was included in the collection of the Société Anonyme: Naum Gabo, Jean Arp, Francis Picabia, and Kurt Schwitters. Sandberg’s thinking was also much influenced by Bergson’s biological metaphorics, and not only by the work of Bergson himself (a quotation from whom provides the epigraph to a book, to which Sandberg contributed, on pioneers of modern art in the Stedelijk collection), [30] but also by the writings of his devotee, the poet, critic, and anarchist Herbert Read. In particular, Read’s concept of vitalism was directly related to the themes of the above-mentioned exhibitions by Sandberg and Marinotti. [31]

Stedelijk Museum. 1954 © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam

Two other admirers of Bergson deserve mention here, namely Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, whose text A Thousand Plateaus expands the horizon of Bergson’s metaphysics. [32] If we look at the rhizome structure they describe, it constitutes just the type of decentralized, comprehensive, anti-hierarchical organization championed by the Société and by Sandberg. And the working principles of the Société Anonyme and of the Stedelijk during the time of Sandberg seem to prefigure the Deleuze-Guattari idea of nomadism.

The type of museum that we have described here is unlikely to, and probably should not, serve as a model at the present time. But, it can become a resource for cultural “exaptation”—a concept, also borrowed by Svetlana Boym from biology, which describes what happens when a particular trait evolves to serve some new function that was not part of its original purpose. [33]

The exaptation from the ‘Société-Sandberg’ museum that could be most relevant today relates to museum governance. The vertical, tree-like structure that defines most institutions today means that, the larger a museum grows, the more rigid its hierarchy must be in order to manage this structure. As a result, what museum directors require above all nowadays is exceptional managerial skills, and other aspects of a museum’s work risk being sacrificed to managerial efficiency. Rejecting such an authoritarian model, where the core objective is to control the dependent units, in favour of a heterogeneous, anti-hierarchical type of organization implies, as a minimum, the opportunity for a museum to reallocate its resources and focus on its original purpose of dealing with artists, art, and exhibitions, and, as a maximum, restitution of the museum to artists and return to the governance model of the artist-driven space, which was used in the first museum of modern art.

Translated from: Shpilko O. Iskusstvo, a ne personalii // Dialog Iskusstv, №4, 2016. P. 70–73.

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moma: cubism and abstract art, 1936

Once upon a time, in the greatest city of the New World there lived an adventurous young man. Being an explorer and ethnographer at heart, he longed to travel and make great discoveries. Then it happened one day that he heard a story about some curious developments among the natives of the Old World. A new kind of making and decorating of art objects, it was said, had been spreading among the craftsmen of various tribes. The movement was already dying, however, and soon it would slip into oblivion.

Intrigued, the explorer immediately organized a series of expeditions across the ocean. He visited all the important places, collected paintings and other exotic objects from the natives and recorded the stories they told. Impressed with what he saw and heard, he brought back many artifacts and decided to establish an ethnographic museum, naming it the Museum of Modern Art.

Soon afterward, the explorer organized an exhibition of the two most unusual styles, which were known as “Cubism” and “Abstract Art”. The exhibition was a great success, and it became the standard for the museum’s permanent display. It was also widely imitated by the museums of modern art that came after.

 

From “Tales of the Artisans”

This old tale about the beginnings of the Museum of Modern Art tells us much about its landmark 1936 exhibition, Cubism and Abstract Art, curated by the Museum director, the “young ethnographer,” Alfred Barr. The Museum’s press release announced the exhibition, Cubism and Abstract Art, to last from March 3 until April 19, which “traces the development of cubism and abstract art and indicates their influence upon the practical arts of today”. The release goes on to explain that “the Exhibition is representative largely of European artists for the reason that only last season the Whitney Museum of American Art held a comprehensive exhibition of abstract art by American artists”. [1] This seems to be a formal excuse for not extending the exhibition to include American artists, who, in the opinion of MoMA at the time, were inferior to the Europeans. A few years later, in 1940, answering criticism for not including American art in its main narrative, the Museum wrote in its regular bulletin that “the Museum of Modern Art has always been deeply concerned with American art”, but added that the mission of the institution was to show works “that were of superior quality as works of art”. [2]

A photographic reproduction of Les Demoiselles d’Avignon by Pablo Picasso at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

Photographs of the 1936 exhibition show a conventional installation. The works were hung in a mainly linear succession, obeying the museum standard of the time. However, some details deserve notice. The principal theme of the exhibition, the Cubist movement, begins with Picasso’s Les Demoiselles d’Avignon (demurely translated for the American audience as “The young ladies of Avignon”). What we see, though, is not the original painting, but a small photo reproduction. The exhibition catalogue begins its chronology with Les Demoiselles, and mentions, opposite the plate of the picture, that the original is “not in exhibition”. The banal explanation is that the original could not be acquired for the exhibition, but it is surely interesting that the exhibition, which defined the story of modern art, began with a reproduction. Les Demoiselles was not the only reproduction on show. A plaster copy of the 4th century Greek Nike of Samothrace can be seen in views of the Futurist section. Inclusion of the Greek work, on a high pedestal above the Unique Forms of Continuity in Space by Umberto Boccioni, is meant to suggest parallels between these sculptures, separated by more than two thousand years and yet contemporary (since the Nike was a recent copy). Several constructions by Vladimir Tatlin and Alexander Rodchenko were also represented by photo-reproductions, since there was no possibility of bringing the originals to New York. Two chairs by Marcel Breuer and Le Corbusier, hanging on the walls of the Bauhaus section, are another interesting installation detail. They had previously been included in Herbert Bayer’s Deutscher Werkbund installation in Paris in 1930.

A plaster copy of the 4th century Greek Nike of Samothrace and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space by Umberto Boccioni at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

Two African sculptures are visible in views of the Cubist section, one between works by Picasso and another between the Bather by Jacques Lipchitz and the painting Brooklyn Bridge by Albert Gleizes. Marcel Duchamp’s Nude Descending a Staircase hangs on a wall next to the staircase, while various works hang on doors instead of walls. Most of the installation views of paintings and sculptures are unremarkable, but the way in which exhibition displayed posters, photography, designed objects and architecture together with “high art” was unusual for the time. An outstanding feature of the exhibition was its inclusion of fourteen works by Kazimir Malevich, relatively unknown in the USA at the time. The works were grouped together in one room and all of them were brought to New York by Alfred Barr, who had acquired them from Alexander Dorner, the director of the Landesmuseum in Hannover, in 1935. In the mid-1930s modern art was being removed from museums in Germany and had already disappeared from Soviet museums, so, for many years to come, the Museum of Modern Art in New York would be the only place where works by Malevich could be seen. I am not surprised by the importance lent to Malevich by Alfred Barr since I remember how impressed the young American was when I led him through the Russian Museum to see the art of Malevich and other related works.

Another artist whose work was given prominence in the exhibition is Piet Mondrian. Mondrian spent most of his life in Paris where he produced all of the neoplastic paintings, for which he became famous, but his paintings would not become museum exhibits in Paris until 30 year after his death. It was the 1936 exhibition at MoMA that gave Mondrian his place in the modern narrative. If we honor Malevich and Mondrian today, that is in no small part due to the 1936 exhibition at MoMA.

Two African sculptures between the artworks by Pablo Picasso at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

But what gives the exhibition its exceptional importance is not its installation, but the story that it tells – the story we see summarized on the cover of the exhibition catalogue as Alfred Barr’s now famous “genealogical tree”, representing in graphic form the historicization of the previous four decades of European modern art. It is quite possible that Barr saw a similar diagram by Ivan Matsa, entitled Relationships Between the Schools in New Art and New Literature (1926) when he visited Moscow in 1928.

Alfred Hamilton Barr Jr. Cover of the exhibition catalogue Cubism and Abstract Art, MoMA. 1936 © Museum of Modern Art

According to Barr’s diagram, the story of modern art began with Post-Impressionism (Cézanne) and branched in two directions, one towards Fauvism (Matisse), Expressionism, and Non-Geometrical Abstract Art, and the other towards Cubism (Picasso), Suprematism, Constructivism, Neo-Plasticism, and Geometrical Abstract Art. Organized chronologically and by “international movements”, Barr’s genealogical tree was a radical departure from the concept of “national schools”, which dominated European art historiography and which was embodied in art museums and in the most prestigious art event of the time, the Venice Biennale. The first page of the catalogue explained that, in addition to painting and sculpture, the exhibition included such categories as construction, photography, architecture, industrial art, theatre, film, poster art, and typography, thus introducing an expanded notion of “art” into the museum context.

Ivan Matsa. Relationships Between the Schools in New Art and New Literature. 1926

The Russian/Soviet avant-garde, one of the most important cultural developments of the 20th century, was extensively represented in the catalogue. It was historicized as an integral part of this new “international narrative” of modern art, at a time when its achievements had been removed from public view, both in the Soviet Union and Europe. The vital role of Barr’s exhibition in bringing the art of Malevich to international recognition was already mentioned, but the same holds true for the works of Tatlin, Rodchenko, Varvara Stepanova and Lyubov Popova. It is thanks to Barr’s exhibition that their works are so internationally well-known and respected today. The very first (and second) name mentioned in the introduction is that of Malevich, and the introduction ends with reproductions of works by Malevich and Wassily Kandinsky as examples of “geometrical” and “non-geometrical abstract art”. The catalogue reproduced an installation view of the Abstract Cabinet by El Lissitzky which, at that very time, was being dismantled for inclusion in the Nazi Degenerate Art exhibition held in Munich in 1937.
Barr’s exhibition coincided with the disappearance of modern art throughout Europe. The internationalism of the avant-garde was anathema to the nationalist tide that swept through Europe in the 1930s, precipitating war and carnage. Modern art was completely marginalized and removed from museums as “bourgeois and formalistic” in the Soviet Union, and was labeled “degenerate, Jewish, and Bolshevik” in Germany. In France, the land from which it sprang, modern art was, ironically enough, never brought into museums in the first place. In the US, most of the public and the political establishment had no love for modern art, but since art was not a government matter, MoMA, as a private corporation, could exhibit and promote its program freely, without state interference. As my friend Walter Benjamin once noted, this is why the American public could see European modern art at a time when there was no modern art in Europe, and MoMA became a kind of Noah’s Arc of European modern art.

Artworks hanging on doors instead of walls at Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition, MoMA. 1936

Walking through MoMA’s halls in 1936, most American museum-goers probably had no idea that what they were seeing was not Europe’s present, but its past. Nor can they have been aware that, although all of the artworks were from Europe, the story told through the arrangement of the museum’s exhibits was not European – it was not a European interpretation of modern art. Although often criticized as “formalistic”, the story told in the exhibition and in Barr’s catalogue did not merely preserve the memory of European modern art, but reinvented it by categorizing artists according to “international movements” instead of “national schools”. This historicization of European art was almost entirely based on artifacts brought from overseas and then assembled and interpreted by someone from another culture. From today’s perspective, MoMA’s role was not only that of an art museum, but of an ethnographic museum. In the avant-garde-centered MoMA narrative, modern art was almost entirely a European phenomenon with Paris as its capital and Picasso as its most prominent artist. After the catastrophe of the World War II, MoMA was perceived in Europe as the most important museum of modern art in the world. By admiring this American museum, “natives” of the Old World were unaware that they implicitly adopted its story – a story about their own art and culture. Gradually, this story became the canonical narrative on both sides of the Atlantic, determining future developments in Western art for decades to come.

***

Today the art scene worldwide is based on internationalism, individualism and (post‑)modernism as its main concepts. However, when concepts become dominant and widely accepted, the suspicion must be that they have exhausted their potential and that the future paradigm will be based on other, very different, ones.

Nikolay Punin
Berlin, 2019

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herbert bayer: the extended field of vision

“Bauhaus” means literally “building house”, but architecture was not the chief discipline of the school, which we know by that name. What the Bauhaus developed was a metadiscipline around the principle of the “Gesamtkunstwerk” – a total, holistic approach to the creation of art and its perception as an organic part of the World. Herbert Bayer, a Bauhaus student (1921–1925) and teacher (1925–1928), framed a theory of the “extended field of vision”, which reflects this totality and sets new coordinates for the design of space in a museum exhibition. The scheme, by which he proposes to be guided in such design, [1] depicts a person surrounded by expositional surfaces located in different planes.

Herbert Bayer. Diagram of Extended Vision. 1935

The viewer, placed at the centre of the space constructed by the artist, has the ambition to capture an immense “extended” field of 360°, and is thus a new version of the Renaissance man who tests potentially limitless possibilities. On the one hand, such an exhibition system serves as an auxiliary mechanism, activating the gaze, provoking its movement, widening the angle of vision, sometimes raising the level of the eyes beyond what is natural.[2] On the other hand, Bayer writes of “improved” human vision, evoking the idea of special powers and resonating not only with the Renaissance idea of the physically perfect polymath, but also with the early 20th-century idea of the Superman/Übermensch.

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The social aspect of the Bauhaus construction is obvious, but its multidirectional time vectors, characteristic particularly of Bayer, which led to the idea of a “new man”, should also interest us. [3] The first vector travels into the past, to the Renaissance and beyond, to antiquity. Despite the strong biocentric tendencies of the Bauhaus, “man as the measure of all things” was a key principle of the school, as seen in texts by Oskar Schlemmer, where he quotes Protagoras. [4] Schlemmer was the author of the Bauhaus course “Der Mensch” (“The Human Being”) and the architect Hans Fischli recalls how Schlemmer made students look at ancient sculpture, taught them ancient Greek philosophy and expounded the principles of harmony on the example of human anatomy. [5] Laszlo Moholy-Nagy refers to the figure of Leonardo da Vinci who with his “gigantic plans and achievements” is “a great example of the integration of art, science and technology”. [6] Reminiscences of antiquity have special power for Herbert Bayer. This can be seen in the antique imagery that runs through his paintings, photomontage and graphic art, but also in his unconditional reliance on geometry, which for him was synonymous with clarity [7] and could therefore open the way to universals. This constructive principle, which was the foundation of his practice, is akin to the architectural principles of the era of humanism, described by Rudolf Wittkover – a mathematical interpretation of the world and an unshakeable belief in the mathematical community of macro- and microcosm, which is the legacy of the ancient Greeks. [8] Also in Bayer’s work we find a longing for the Greeks’ universalism, for their ability to form a comprehensive picture of the world and a wholeness of feeling. Bayer’s sketches for museum installations, made in 1947, show self-sufficient universal spaces, where there is place for acropolis, altar, amphitheatre, ancient sculpture and other elements defining Greek civilisation, ordered by a superimposed perspective grid. Bayer attaches a note to one of these sketches: “All these images are still much too close [emphasised] to us. See / + Feel.” [9] Not being intended for any specific exhibition, these sketches can be seen as a crystallisation of Bayer’s ideas about the space of a museum exhibition in general. They appear to have been made during a visit to Colorado (where Bayer lived) by Alexander Dorner, who was then working on the book The Way Beyond “Art “: The Work of Herbert Bayer (1947), and they remained in Dorner’s archive together with the notes. [10]

Herbert Bayer. Sketch for a Museum Installation. 1947. Watercolour, gouache, graphite, paper, 40×30 cm. Harvard Art Museums / Busch-Reisinger Museum, Transfer from the Alexander Dorner Papers, Busch-Reisinger Museum Archives © Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

Bayer gives the viewer a place exactly in the middle, unfolding a panorama before the viewer’s gaze. He finds the spherical form to be most appropriate: his “extended field of vision” evolves from the 1930 version, where the panels roll over the viewer like a wave, to the version of 1935, where the viewer is at the centre. In the 1942 MoMA exhibition, Road to Victory, Bayer constructed a hemisphere of photographic panels in the entrance zone, dispensing with walls. [11] A year later, in the sequel exhibition Airways to Peace, Bayer installed a huge globe, which the viewer could go inside and see “how Europe, Asia and North America are clustered about the North Pole.” [12] This globe and the dome over an antique museum landscape in the 1947 sketch by Bayer echo one another.

Airways to Peace exhibition at MoMA, New York. 1943 © The Museum of Modern Art

For both Bayer and Dorner the central positioning of the viewer and the preference for spheres are steps towards the Gesamtkunstwerk. But for Dorner, the Gesamtkunstwerk as a concept remains within romantic limits: in his view, it was romanticism that gave rise to a new type of space, provided a plurality of viewpoints, introduced a fourth dimension – that of time – into art, and allowed the artist to move away from the limited Renaissance perspective towards what he called “super-perspective”. [13] For Bayer, by contrast, the romantic concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk is no more than a bridge to the ancient source, which remains of paramount importance. Bayer’s “extended field of vision” takes up the visual code of Renaissance researchers into perspective: the rays of vision and the single eye from which they emanate. The eye is, in essence, isolated from the rest of the body and is more of a symbol – precisely what it was for Leon Battista Alberti. Vision for Bayer is an indispensable and key tool, and this sets him apart from other theorists of art, including Dorner, for whom the optical and haptic methods of perception are unstable and always culturally determined. However, the monocularity of his scheme, which Bayer carries into the future as part of an ideal, antique “core”, becomes a checkpoint, a mark of that which, in Bayer’s theory, is in fact anachronism and a nostalgic remnant that runs counter to his practice.

Leon Battista Alberti. De punctis et lineis apud pictores. C. 1435

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According to Jonathan Crary, monocularity, together with perspective and geometric optics, was the basis of the Renaissance vision, where the world was constructed on the basis of constants that had been brought into the system, while all contradictions and irregularities were eliminated. [14]  This world is primarily static, while the chief mark of the new world, which the Bauhaus glimpsed, was dynamism. Theses about this new world and new vision are contained in the texts of Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, New Vision (1932) and Vision in Motion (1947): “The renaissance constructed the scene to be painted from an unchangeable, fixed point following the rules of the vanishing point perspective. But speeding on the roads and circling in the skies has given modern man the opportunity to see more than his renaissance predecessor. The man at the wheel sees persons and objects in quick succession, in permanent motion.” [15] Precisely this perception, Moholy-Nagy believes, is what enables simultaneous comprehension of the world. It is a creative act where a person sees, thinks and feels, not a sequence of phenomena, but the world as an integrated, coordinated whole, [16] an act that bridges the divide between the ancient Greeks and us, a divide that was formulated by Matthew Arnold: “They regarded the whole; we regard the parts.” [17]

bayer strives to achieve the most complete optical perception of objects by the use of expositional techniques, but this goal becomes secondary when the objects – like signs – are revealed only within the framework of a general system.

The principles of the “new vision” were materialised at the so-called Werkbund exhibition (the German section of a decorative arts salon held at the Grand Palais in Paris in 1930). The display was designed by Herbert Bayer together with Moholy-Nagy, Walter Gropius and Marcel Breuer, so that it was essentially a Bauhaus exhibition, or at least a forerunner of the landmark exhibition of the school, which took place in 1938 at MoMA in New York. [18] The printed materials for the Werkbund exhibition, prepared by Bayer, describe a first version of the “scheme for an extended field of vision”.

Werkbund exhibition, Paris. 1930

The scheme was implemented with complications and intensifications from that exhibition onwards. Bayer’s devices, in addition to the dynamic arrangement of photographic panels at different levels and at different angles, included the use of ramps, giving the viewer a choice of viewpoint, and the scaling of photographs and montages, in which Bayer acknowledged the influence of El Lissitzky and his Soviet pavilion at the Pressa exhibition in Cologne (1928). [19] Bayer also worked to deconstruct the pictorial plane even further, as at the exhibition of the Construction Workers’ Trade Union in Berlin in 1931, where a series of vertical uprights bearing photographs on their left, right and in the intervals in between, presented the viewer with three different scenes, which he/she saw one after another when moving past the slats.

Exhibition of the Trade Union of Workers of the Construction Industry. 1931. Photo: Walter Christeller. Courtesy: Bauhaus-Archiv, Berlin. Bayer, Gropius and Moholy-Nagy © 2013 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

The world that Bayer tries to build with architectural and visual means is radically different from what is represented through the visual pyramid. Assembled from many unreconciled pictures from different viewpoints, it is marked by uncertainty and instability, which, in the words of Ernst Gombrich, “is likely to arouse not only scepticism, but even resistance. […] For it must be granted that our aim will always be to see a stable world, since we know the physical world to be stable. Where this stability fails us, as in an earthquake, we may easily panic.” [20] Gombrich refers to a world characterised by such instability as “slightly elastic at the edges.” [21]

Road to Victory exhibition at MoMA, New York. 1942 © The Museum of Modern Art / Licensed by Scala / Art Resource, NY

20th-century man had the benefit of a hybrid visual apparatus, acquiring new capabilities and new, non-renaissance perspectives thanks to the advent of photography and film. Photography was the most important and advanced art form for the Bauhaus and for Bayer, and from the end of the 1920s, the cine camera was more than a means of expression or reproduction – it was a tool of vision that freed the viewer from linear perspective and opened the high road to a mobile, multidirectional perception of space. [22] As Gyorgy Kepes wrote in his book The New Landscape in Art and Science, science and technology showed us “things that were previously too big or too small, too opaque or too fast for the unaided eye to see.” [23] Aerial photography brought a fundamental shift in the awareness and projection of space by making it possible to capture the curvature of the horizon, which traditional representation on the plane had ignored. Bayer pointed out the distortions that arose from this shortcoming in his commentary to Airways to Peace, which made use of hemispheres in order to “produce a true vision”. [24]  According to him, many “strategic errors” were made in wartime as a result of “consulting distorted maps, instead of globes”. [25]

Airways to Peace exhibition at MoMA, New York. 1943. Photo: Samuel Gottscho © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, Photographic Archive

Bayer’s relationship with space is summed up in a short text that he wrote late in life, In Honor of Albrecht Dürer: an Interpretation of Adjusting the Vanishing Point”, [26] the title of which refers to his collage Albrecht Dürer Adjusting the Vanishing Point to Future History. Bayer explains that in this work he brings together conflicting, but mutually enriching approaches – the rational-constructive and the romantic-instinctive – whose rivalry is also evident in his own practice. The composition has the appearance of an allegory: Bayer does not offer direct interpretations, but says that the kneeling figure suggests analogies with the introduction of perspective and with Dürer, who might serve as a symbol of the new perception of space. So the special temporal logic of Bayer’s theory is emphasised once again. Curves and other features characteristic of his architecture are justified by the “new” vision and perception that was being discovered at the time. They are entirely consistent with what El Lissitzky, who also studied the geometry of space, called, in his essay A and Pangeometry, the destruction of immovable Euclidean space by Lobachevsky, Gauss and Riemann. Nevertheless, the Renaissance is affirmed by Bayer as a certain “return point”, imposing a loop that cannot be overcome.

Herbert Bayer. Albrecht Dürer Adjusting the Vanishing Point to Future History 1963. Cardboard, collage, 39.5×50.5 cm

***

A way of overcoming it can be glimpsed if, once again, we recognise a dehiscence between Bayer’s theory and practice and admit that the principles, by which he constructs space are not, in fact, based on optical perceptual experience and that that such experience only seems to be the determining factor. What operates instead is the experience of reading a map. Ernst Gombrich drew the distinction between these two types of representation in his essay Mirror and Map. The map does not give optical distortions, illusions and omissions, because reading the map, like reading letters from the page of a book, does not depend on the distortions of perspective, on the angle and viewpoint from which the map is seen. [27]

Herbert Bayer. Model for an Exhibition. 1936

Bayer strives to achieve the most complete optical perception of objects by the use of expositional techniques, but this goal becomes secondary when the objects – like signs – are revealed only within the framework of a general system. Bayer sees the exhibition space as a sort of map; his concern from the outset is with issues of navigation and route. And while, in the German section at the Paris Grand Palais in 1930, Bayer’s solutions were largely subordinated to the old architecture of the building, at the New York exhibition of 1936 he proposed a genuinely innovative model of space. The exhibits were placed on giant panels under which the viewer had to pass in order to reach the centre. [28] In MoMA’s Bauhaus: 1919–1928 exhibition of 1938 Bayer used abstract decorative forms and other signpost elements to intimate the direction of movement through the exhibition.

Bauhaus 1919–1928 exhibition at MoMA, New York. 1938 © The Museum of Modern Art

In Road to Victory (subtitled “A procession of photographs of the nation at war”) and Airways to Peace, the path through the exhibition is thematically installed in the name. In the case of the first exhibition, the psychological culmination and turning point of the story – the attack on Pearl Harbor – coincides with the spatial culmination: the visitor ascends a ramp and, at the top, makes a 180 degree turn to see two photographs of the historic moment. [29]

Herbert Bayer. Model for the exhibition Road to Victory. 1942 © 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

This approach, however, can turn out to be – and in Bayer’s case often does turn out to be – a manipulation of the viewer, paradoxically at odds with the artist’s desire to endow that viewer with a new vision and new relationships with his/her environment.

Translation: Ben Hooson

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moma: edward steichen’s delphiniums, 1936

The concept of a hybrid (as well as its derivatives: hybridity, hybrid, hybridization) is used so widely today that it becomes synonymous with everything contemporary. Hybrid wars, hybrid regimes, hybrid cars. The word also takes on an evaluative meaning when hybridization is viewed as an effective weapon of progressive politics, disrupting endogamy, breaking down fixed identities and producing an infinite number of differences. Conservative critics, on the other hand, describe hybridization as a homogenizing practice that erases local traditions and conventions. So on one hand there is the ideology of fundamentalism, essentialism, purism and awesome invariants: purity, solidity, ineluctability. On the other, there are the processes of pidginization, creolization, glocalization and various transitional states (liminality, volatility, plasticity, fluidity). Toxic masculinity, white supremacism and identity politics are taking a beating from assemblages, prostheses and cyborgs.

In contemporary art, art hybridization is understood as something innovative or high-tech and is associated primarily with science art. Hybrid arts are a subculture that includes formalist practices of interactive design using high technologies with the prefixes “info”, “bio”, “nano”, “cogno”. Today, though, in the postmedium condition, any art is hybrid, because there is no longer a division into specific mediums (painting, sculpture, etc.), and the fundamentally interdisciplinary nature of art implies the inclusion of any research themes, openness to other areas knowledge and an invitation to experts from other fields to join in.

Perhaps the hybrid nature of art should be understood in a completely different way, putting the emphasis on its “non-artificial” character – a continuum between the natural and the cultural. By linking the concept of hybridity with its original biological meaning, we can reassess the very “artificiality”, “artistry” and “technicality” of art. Our start point will be a half-forgotten, almost curious exhibition project.

Edward Steichen’s Delphiniums in MoMA (New York). 1936 © MoMA

In 1936, MoMA presented some extraordinary “works” by Edward Steichen, one of the foremost modernist photographers. The exhibition, organized in two stages, displayed to the public varieties of delphiniums, which were the result of 26 years of work selecting and cross-breeding flowers on ten acres of land in Connecticut. In the first stage the public were shown “true blue or pure blue colors, and the fog and mist shades”, followed in the second stage by huge spike-shaped plants from one to two metres tall. The exhibition press release clarified: “To avoid confusion, it should be noted that the actual delphiniums will be shown in the Museum – not paintings or photographs of them. It will be a ‘personal appearance’ of the flowers themselves.”

At that time the public still viewed the activities of MoMA with much scepticism (especially after the Machine Art exhibition), and the Museum legitimized the non-traditional objects of its latest show by including various facts in the press release that testified to the status of these flowers in the history of culture. Reading the text, one might well suppose that the exhibition was the whim of an influential and museum-affiliated artist who was given the opportunity to present his hobby to the general public. Critics at the time and historians later paid little attention to the exhibition.

Today, however, in the history of art Delphiniums are regarded as the originator of the bio-art movement. The author of the bio-art anthology Signs of Life writes that Steichen “was the first modern artist to create new organisms through both traditional and artificial methods, to exhibit the organisms themselves in a museum, and to state that genetics is an art medium.” [1] It is unlikely, that Steichen – a commercial salon photographer – was seriously interested in the ontology of art at a theoretical level. For him flower selection was an occupation which, like photography, had to do with an aesthetic experience, an appeal to beauty.

The assessment by art historians of Steichen’s work as a dotted line linking Cubism with George Gessert’s later bio-art practices seems stretched and teleological. It is much more interesting to look at what such a project, implemented without design and little reflected in its time, can tell us about today’s understanding of art and its growing interest in the natural world. In this sense, we cannot treat the flowers simply as a “personal appearance”, as a modification of the readymade brought into the gallery-museum context. We need to pay attention to the actual process of their formation and materialization, of which Steichen himself said: “The science of heredity when applied to plant breeding, which has as its ultimate purpose the aesthetic appeal of beauty, is a creative art.” [2] Cleary this “creative art” is at the same time a “creative act” and what interests me is not so much a new medium, genre, species, technique or movement in art, but the fundamentally different approach, which Steichen proposes, to the creative act. It, as we will see, concerns three basic levels: art production (artistic method), the way of being of art (ontological status of the work) and its consumption (reception).

First of all, the application of hybridization to art production forces us to reconsider the concept of authorship. Poststructuralism demythologized the romantic figure of the author by asserting the unoriginal and self-citing nature of any work (the author, according to Roland Barters, is always just a “tissue of quotations”). [3] The new materialism, in the optics of which it is logical to describe Steichen, understands the artistic process as “co-collaboration”, that is, the joint action of artist and material. Modernist art was based on the principle of hylomorphism, i.e. the idea that passive material is shaped by an active form, that form being the discourse itself (art criticism, philosophy, history of art), which, through the artist as an abstract function, determines the distribution of the material (paint on canvas, metal in space, etc.).

Steichen offers another model, where the form is not just superimposed on material, forming their synthesis in a complete object, but, in the words of neo-materialists, “matter is as much responsible for the emergence of art as man.” [4] In other words, the substrate, the substance of art, is not simply used to achieve some or other artistic or conceptual goals. Matter is endowed with its own agency, its own will or goal-setting capacity. For example, for contemporary artists, the molecular forces of paint become important – the stratification of substances in themselves and as they are. So the artist is reduced to the role of partner or assistant of self-developing, pulsating matter, which has its own “interests” and “intentions” and is thus not reduced to an effect of discourse. [5] Such matter is emergent, self-organizing and generative. Steichen’s example is especially interesting, because the plant breeder works, not with inorganic, but with organic substance, penetrating into its very essence. [6] The artist is the helmsman of evolution.

Following these crude historical parallels with the modernists leads to the following conclusions about the avant-garde. The artist of the historical avant-garde tried to combine art and life, where life is understood as social reality (bios), because his or her work was intended to create a new utopian world. Steichen, however, tries to break down the boundaries between art and zoé – life itself. Posthumanists understand zoé as the dynamic, self-organizing structure of life itself – generative vitality. [7] It is interesting that Rosie Braidotti, who recognizes the intrinsic value of life (zoé) as such, calls this approach a “colossal hybridization of the species”, [8] where there is no significant difference between man and his natural “others”. The artist does not stand opposed to the flower. They are both part of the same creative act. Not only does Steichen hybridize delphiniums, but delphiniums hybridize him, their breeder.

Edward Steichen takes photographs of his delphiniums. 1936 © MoMA

Steichen’s interest in the bare factuality of the material lends him an affinity with contemporary artists. Steichen was not only fascinated by the technical and representative possibilities of photography; he was also interested in the chemical process of image production itself. Just as he produced huge numbers of negatives, most of which were never converted to positives, so he grew thousands of delphiniums in order to select the best examples. The production process here was like a struggle for survival, natural selection (or curatorial selective practice), and not a concentrated honing of the original. The artist was driven by a passion for selection – the practical side of theoretical genetics, which was at the peak of its development at that time. Selection had been a human capacity for millennia, but it was first carried out by scientific methods (and not blindly) in Steichen’s time. At that time (before Lysenkoism or before the complete discrediting of eugenics by fascism) it was perceived as a science of the future, comparable with the utopian pathos of the avant-garde, which swallowed not only bios, but also zoé.

Selection is based on the process of hybridization, whereby genotypes are chosen for their nutritious or aesthetic qualities, the preferred individuals are crossed with one another and those of their descendants which inherit all of the required features are in turn selected. So, generation by generation, the breeder brings the plant to the required state as expressed in its phenotype (i.e., the externally manifest features of the individual). Selection, therefore, in contrast with species isolation, is a matter of breaking down the boundaries of species – that “great bastion of stability,” as the biologist Ernst Mayr called it. Mayr gave a biological definition of species as “groups of actually or potentially interbreeding natural populations which are reproductively isolated from other such groups.” [9] Today, in the light of new discoveries or the spread of hybrids and chimeras in biotechnological experiments, biologists and philosophers increasingly emphasize the limitations of this definition, although Mayr deserves credit for not absolutizing the nature of species boundaries.

Perhaps such a parallel will seem factitious, but if traditional contemporary art is based on the production of a certain type of art (the medium) or a specific individual (the work), in Steichen’s case, we find it hard to draw the boundary. Are his works only those delphiniums that were shown at MoMA in 1936? Or their seeds, which can still be bought today? Rather, hybridization can be understood as a process that emphasizes the conventionality of species differences. So he does not address a species, population or individual organism, but liberates life itself, the constant fluidity of the vital forces of nature (and of art). Artistic hybridization is a queer practice par excellence, a practice which highlights the very process of becoming rather than fixed identities. Such art and life is a constant movement of creating and erasing boundaries through the temporary accentuation of genetic mutations.

Hybridization not only changes the role of the artist (into an assistant to the material) and the status of art (into a constant becoming), but also makes the process of perception mutually directional. The philosopher Catherine Malabou believes that the paradigm of writing, which prevailed in the days of poststructuralism, is being replaced by the paradigm of plasticity – the ability to both acquire and give form. [10] Plasticity plays an important role in biology, particularly in the framework of a new evolutionary synthesis (sometimes misleadingly called “postmodernist”), where species are not considered in isolation from ecosystems. Suffice it to recall Charles Darwin, who poetically described the co-evolution of insects and flowers, where not only does the insect adapt to the shape of the flower, but the structure of the flower also uses ruses and devices in response to the requests and desires of the insect. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari would later describe this process as that of de- and reterritorialization: “The orchid deterritorializes by forming an image, a tracing of a wasp; but the wasp reterritorializes on that image. The wasp is nevertheless deterritorialized, becoming a piece in the orchid’s reproductive apparatus. But it reterritorializes the orchid by transporting its pollen.” [11]

The relationship of flowers and insects is a ménage-à-trois (for example, pistil, stamen and bee), but together with the artist they form a love rectangle or trapezoid, where all of the participants are equally involved in the process of receiving and passing on a form. And to understand this process, we must turn to an area that is (quite understandably) neglected by art theorists, namely, evolutionary or Darwinian aesthetics. This teaching is based not on the widely known idea of ​​the survival of the fittest, but on the idea of ​​sexual selection, i.e. differentiated access to partners (competition and choice of a partner of the opposite sex). The theory was developed by Darwin himself, who, trying to explain apparently redundant ornamentation on the bodies of animals, believed that sensual pleasure, attractiveness and subjective experience are also agents of selection.

Edward Steichen with delphiniums. Redding, Connecticut. Photo: Dana Steichen. C. 1938 © Edward Steichen Archive, VII. The Museum of Modern Art Archive

This question remains a matter of controversy in evolutionary biology, where representatives of the two camps continue to disagree. The “adaptationist” interpretation insists that bodily ornamentation advertises and provides information about the useful qualities of the partner, while an alternative “arbitrary” model sees no benefit in the production of aesthetic attributes other than the popularity of the partner. The latter approach was developed by Darwin’s follower, Ronald Fisher, who described sexual selection as a positive feedback mechanism. For example, the more advantageous it is for a male to have a long tail, the more advantageous it is for a female to prefer just such males, and vice versa (in biology this principle is called “Fisherian runaway”). His radical follower, our contemporary Richard Prum, has pursued this line of thought, which also correlates with plasticity: partner preferences are genetically correlated with preferred features. In other words, “variation in desire and variation in the objects of desire will become correlated or enmeshed, entrained evolutionarily,” [12] beauty and the observer co-evolve. Aesthetic attractiveness makes the body free in its sexuality: “birds are beautiful,” Prum writes, “because they are beautiful to themselves.” [13]

Feminist critiques of Darwinism, however, go much further in defending Darwin against reductionism. For example, Elizabeth Grosz questions the raison d’être of sexual selection and emphasizes its irrational character, expressed in an unbridled intensification of colours and shapes, extravagance, excessive sensuality and an appeal to sexuality rather than simple reproduction. She tries in this way to separate natural from sexual selection (the second is usually considered a subspecies of the first). In particular, she writes: “Sexual selection may be understood as the queering of natural selection, that is, the rendering of any biological norms, ideals of fitness, strange, incalculable, excessive.” [14] Moreover, sexual selection expands the world of the living into ​​”the nonfunctional, the redundant, the artistic.” [15] And here we are again reminded of Steichen’s Delphiniums, which only intensify the already excessive beauty of this flower. But how does this leap from nature to culture happen? Why does a person become an addressee of someone else’s sexual selection? How does he or she get drawn into this “co-evolutionary dance”?

Describing the attractiveness of flowers (including delphiniums) and their ability to come to life in our imagination, Elaine Skerry highlighted their various characteristics: the size that allows them to freely penetrate our consciousness, the bowls that correspond to the curve of our eyes, the possibility of their localization by vision, the transparency of their substance, etc. [16] However, this says little about plasticity. Without extrapolating biological principles to social ones, I would propose that an even more complex process is at work in Steichen’s love rectangle or trapezoid, where not only does the artist subordinate the flower to his aesthetic needs, but the flowers themselves determine the artist’s sensory experience. The reception and consumption of art cannot be a one-way process, but are subject to positive or negative feedback. There is no need to go far for an example: in Russia flowers of Northern European selection (the so-called “the new perennials”) – calmer, more austere and vegetative – are gradually supplanting the gaudy and bright flower varieties that were popular in Soviet times. We can easily trace how flowers steer our taste. Could it be that our taste, our aesthetic judgment, is also a hybrid?

Following in the steps of Steichen’s experiments, I have tried to retroactively comprehend what hybridization as a creative act might be today. However, despite all that has been said above, I am not sure that hybridity in itself is of indubitable value. We know from evolutionary theory that mixing does not always lead to diversity, and the endemics so dear to us are a product of the isolation of species (“Splendid Isolation” is the title of a book about the remarkable mammals of South America), [17] because “isolating mechanisms” between species preserve originality and authenticity. In a similar vein, some left-wing philosophers say that by altogether abandoning identity politics and insisting on the fluidity of categories, we make ourselves vulnerable to traditionalism. For instance, if you consider yourself fluid, what prevents you from abandoning your essence and accepting a fixed norm? Hybridity also comes in for criticism as a product that masks the policy of global imperialism, because it is based on the exclusion of “others”: old age, uncommunicativeness, pain, i.e., non-hybridity itself. [18]

Hybridity and its dark double, non-hybridity, are in equal measure social constructs. Perhaps everything around us is equally hybrid. However, the hybridization procedure is not just a progressive trope, but also a subversive procedure. Hybridization, unlike many other analogous concepts, is associated with biology, i.e., with something natural and inherent to nature itself, but at the same time is also a cultural practice of selection, and for this reason it undermines naturalness as such. Unlike concepts that naturalize, that represent human history as something natural, it naturalizes unnaturalness itself. The unnatural seems natural. As Steichen shows us, the boundaries between art and nature are highly arbitrary. Life imitates art. Art imitates life.

Translation: Ben Hooson