Categories
Articles

moma: the modern movement in italy, 1954

Perhaps all writing of history presumes an absence or lack, which is one of the conditions that compel the historian to write. One form of absence resides in the object of study itself. It is an absence that, qualitatively, may be meaningful and crucial, or perhaps ancillary, anecdotal, or arcane. It may be total: the object may be previously unknown or mostly unknown (the historian’s dream come true). The object of study may be incomplete or may have been incomplete, it might have been corrupted, or perhaps its inherent attributes were imperceivable before the moment of writing. Another kind of absence emanates from outside the object of study, arising from a perceived lacuna in a discourse, discipline, or practice. The object may have been miscategorized or misidentified. External factors may have led it to be intentionally or unintentionally overlooked, underappreciated, or misvalued. Forgetting and amnesia play a role in external absences, as does the possibility that the object was subject to suppression, exclusion, erasure—an act of epistemic violence. The first kind of absence implies that the act of writing history provides missing information, whereas the second suggests the correcting of an error, omission, obfuscation, or prejudice. Of course, the distinction between these two absences is artificial, insofar as both require an author to establish the nature of the absence that the writing of history reveals or redresses, in relation to which she establishes a perspective or method—keeping in mind that perspective and method (systems of knowledge, models of reading, ideology, author positions, etc.) are never neutral or objective and may be the reason for the absence.

In addition to the above incomplete, myopic schema, there are at least two other forms of absence that complicate the historian’s task: uncertain absences and non-problematic absences. In the former, the reason for or nature of the absence is unclear, even after digging, studying, and researching. The object of study itself proves mute or opaque, sometimes to such a degree that one can only infer its nature by looking at its effects (or lack of effects) on other objects or on its context (discourse). It is similar to the way in which astronomers study black holes by examining the matter swirling around them. Uncertainty still suggests a method: it means writing around and adjacent to the object of study rather than about it, for there may be no way to approach it directly in a substantive manner. Non-problematic absences haunt every writer—the reason for the lack of appreciation for or awareness of an object may be that it is not interesting or barely affects the discourses around it. It unsettles the writer because she may not recognize its unimportance, or worse, she thinks it is important, only to find out that no one else agrees. The challenge of non-problematic and uncertain absences is that they can be confused and they can overlap. There is a danger in the compulsion to write when the absence is uncertain or non-problematic; it can lead to a tendency to inflate or overdetermine the object. On the other hand, if the uncertainty or problematic nature of the object are left open and made transparent, the compulsion to write remains with the author, and the writing of history may open to unforeseen readings.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The 1954 Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) exhibition The Modern Movement in Italy, curated by Ada Louise Huxtable, is a veritable black hole, and it is likely a problematic object. [1] Huxtable is best remembered as the New York Times’s prolific architecture critic, a title that she held from 1963 to 1982. She is credited with establishing architectural criticism as a journalistic field in its own right in America, and she is regarded as one of the finest critics of the twentieth century, penning countless reviews both laudatory and biting. Huxtable authored a dozen books, including editions of her collected writings. [2] She received numerous awards, the highest of which was the inaugural Pulitzer Prize for Criticism in 1970. [3] She got her start at the Museum of Modern Art: Philip Johnson, director of the Department of Architecture and Design, hired her in 1946 as an assistant curator while she was studying architectural history at New York University. She worked in the Department, contributing to various exhibition designs, until 1950, when she earned a Fulbright Grant to study architecture in Italy. She spent a year abroad based out of the Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia (IUAV), visiting buildings and meeting architects, engineers, and planners. [4] It was a critical time: reconstruction was in full swing, as massive government programs (heavily funded with Marshall Plan monies) aimed at the nation-wide housing crisis as well as rebuilding Italy’s industry. As the fledgling democracy took shape, so too did domestic political battles and international Cold War politics, which in Italy were especially intense given the power of the Italian Communist Party and the American government’s desire to blunt its electoral success. Despite the challenges of reconstruction amidst the creation of a new political order, architects produced provocative buildings, urban designs, and products for the home and office. Huxtable could not have chosen a more fascinating moment to be in Italy, or to install an exhibition at MoMA.

The 1940s and 1950s at MoMA were an intense two decades, hosting landmark shows that transformed architectural culture. Built in USA (1944), curated by Elizabeth Bauer Mock, surveyed trends in American architecture, emphasizing material technique and contemporary lifestyle. Built in USA was a counterpoint to Johnson and Hitchcock’s doctrinaire Modern Architecture exhibit of 1932, as well as the vanguardism of shows regarding Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe, European luminaries, and the Bauhaus, and the subtly insecure tone of exhibitions aimed at forging a lineage for an explicitly American approach to modern architecture, such as the survey of H.H. Richardson’s opus. [5] The follow-up exhibition Built in USA: Post-War Architecture (1953) was just as influential, charting, with a kind of triumphalism, eclectic yet undeniably high-quality American approaches to mid-century architecture that were no longer self-conscious and were ready for international export. [6] Conversely, shows dedicated to Buckminster Fuller and to surveys of west coast architecture demonstrated a forward-looking, focused assessment of important domestic figures and developments, while exhibits of Frank Lloyd Wright’s work, famously excluded from Modern Architecture, stood apart from everyone and everything. The 1941 Organic Design in Home Furnishings show, as well as the Good Design program based on eponymous exhibitions staged almost annually from 1950 to 1955, introduced Americans to new lifestyles that married progressive approaches to the home with new materials and techniques. [7] Full-scale demonstration houses by Marcel Breuer, Buckminster Fuller, Gregory Ain, as well as a Japanese house designed by Junzo Yoshimura, all erected in the MoMA garden, allowed the public to physically place themselves inside of design. International retrospectives made crucial contributions to the survey of global architectural trends. In addition to monographic shows, exhibits and publications included Brazil Builds in 1943, Two Cities (Rio and Chicago) in 1947, and Architecture of Japan in 1955. [8]

Model of Marcel Breuer’s house in the MoMA garden. “House in the Museum Garden MoMA” exhibition. Photo: Ezra Stoller © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Italy was the focus of two important exhibitions. First was Twentieth-Century Italian Art in 1949, curated by Alfred Barr, Jr. and James Thrall Soby. [9] The epic show codified Futurism’s place in the genetic lineage of modern art (corresponding to Barr’s famous 1936 diagram) while expanding the survey of Italian tendencies to include pittura metafisica, Novecento, and Italian realism. Barr and Soby traveled throughout Italy to study the scene, acquire loans, and make purchases to expand MoMA’s sparse Italian collection. This crucial exhibition was one of many exchanges between MoMA and Italy during this period, which intensified after the Italian Communist Party’s defeat in the 1948 elections, resulting in a greater commitment by the Department of State to using international cultural programs as an instrument of Cold War strategy. [10] Three years later, Olivetti: Design in Industry cut a cross section through the industrial firm’s two decades of work in the factory town of Ivrea, emphasizing the manner in which Olivetti elided design, engineering, manufacturing, industrial objects, and architecture. [11] While the exhibition failed to capture how design was entangled with Adriano Olivetti’s center-left postwar politics and the activities of the Movimento di Comunità, the show launched the narrative of Italy as a progressive nation whose design and home products were synonymous with quality, imagination, and fashion. It anticipated the boom economico and foreshadowed the mid-century global obsession with Italian design.

Fresh off her travels, Huxtable returned to an institution that had begun to craft a narrative The Modern Movement in Italy because little exists: save for a positive review in the New York Times, a descriptive featurette in the magazine Contract Interiors, and an essay by Huxtable in Art Digest (where she was a contributing writer and editor), it was ignored by the press. [12] There were no conferences, lectures, or symposia. Conceived as part of an education program of traveling exhibits organized by Porter McCray, director of the International Program that aimed at extending MoMA’s expertise and resources to local museums and universities, The Modern Movement in Italy circulated to nine institutions from the east to west coast, as well as two in Canada—none left a trace. [13] Unlike other exhibits at MoMA, it birthed no books, although Huxtable employed her research in her 1960 monograph on engineer Pier Luigi Nervi. More perplexing is the sparse documentation in the Museum of Modern Art archives: only a few photographs, a checklist, and a press release. The exhibition is not noted in any detail in MoMA’s Bulletins, which usually highlighted retrospectives, even of secondary import. It is telling that in 1964, when a comprehensive survey was undertaken to document the history of the Department of Architecture and Design, Huxtable’s show was left out. [14] Unlike curators such as Elizabeth Mock and Janet Henrich O’Connell, Huxtable is excluded from surveys of women’s contributions to MoMA. [15] To all intents and purposes, The Modern Movement in Italy was a non-event, registering no impact on architectural discourse or MoMA’s legacy. However, a close reading of the exhibition and its context, which focuses as much on what was excluded, may explain why it did not resonate, why it likely served its purpose, and why it was symptomatic of historical, cultural, and political uncertainties that haunted Italian architecture in the 1950s.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The Modern Movement in Italy was almost entirely image-based, consisting of enlarged photographs of buildings, drawings, and domestic products. The pictorial panels were complemented by a handful of pieces of flatware and glassware, along with sculpture drawn from the Museum’s collection, including a bronze equestrian by Marino Marini as well as Umberto Boccioni’s Development of a Bottle in Space (1912) and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space (1913) which Alfred Barr, Jr. acquired in 1948 from Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s widow. [16] However, it is unclear how the sculptures related to the exhibition content, particularly given the absence of Futurist or Novecento architecture or drawings. Rather than tracing Italian modernism’s origin to the Liberty style or Futurism, Huxtable begins in the mid-1930s, claiming that it was only then that the language of the International Style transformed into something definably Italian. [17] She organized her show into five sections: an introductory space which surveyed pre- and postwar architecture; “The Early Work,” which situated the paragon of Italian modernism’s formal vocabulary in the refined Comasco Rationalism of Giuseppe Terragni, Pietro Lingeri, Cesare Cattaneo, and Luigi Figini and Gino Pollini; “Architecture and the State,” a cursory selection of realized works and competition designs for the Fascist regime; the oddly named “The Italian Contributions,” which formed the bulk of the show and surveyed the work of Nervi, the Olivetti Corporation, exhibition design, and commercial and retail architecture; and a miscellaneous collection of “Postwar Work” and “Design.” Despite this structure, the categorizing of projects is at times unclear: Terragni’s Casa del Fascio di Como is placed in “The Early Work” section rather than with works for the State, while the selection of home and office products ranged from glassware to sports cars, without offering a means of understanding their commonalities beyond being Italian. Juxtaposing design objects with architectural masterworks epitomized Ernesto Rogers’s theorem “from the spoon to the city,” which meant that, beyond buildings, Italian architectural practice includes extending taste and quality (i.e., design) to every scale of human life, but it is unclear whether MoMA’s audience understood this message. [18]

Giuseppe Terragni. Casa del Fascio di Como. C. 1936

Huxtable’s selections are highly consistent, bordering on blinkered. The language of Italian modernism was made explicit through Figini and Pollini’s demonstration house built for the 1933 Triennale di Milano, Cattaneo’s palazzina in Cernobbio, and a Milanese housing complex by Terragni and Lingeri. The Como Casa del Fascio was afforded more images than any other building, positioning it as the apotheosis of northern Rationalism. Huxtable’s choices for representing regime architecture are perplexing: Gardella’s tuberculous treatment facility, the Unione dei lavoratori dell’industria in Como by Catteneo and Lingeri, the unrealized Brera Art School by Figini, Pollini, Terragni and Lingeri, and designs by BBPR, as well as by Albini, Gardella, Romano, and Palanti for the Esposizione Univerale Roma of 1942. These selections misrepresent the scope of Fascist building programs and the Party’s instrumentalizing of modernist aesthetics. Nervi’s works and the Olivetti complex comprise the heart of the show, represented through a dozen designs that depict an array of Nervi’s experiments and offer a comprehensive view of Olivetti’s aspiration for a humane architecture, city, and workplace. The exhibition included images from the 1951 Triennale di Milano as well as works by Franco Albini, and Angelo Bianchetti and Cesare Pea, all three of whose schemes for commercial interiors appear. Postwar buildings shown included housing complexes by Figini and Pollini, the new Roma Termini, a market by Gaetano Minnucci, and a thin-shell concrete market in Pescia designed by Giuseppe Gori, Leonardo Ricci, Leonardo Savioli, Emilio Brizzi, and Enzo Gori. Two memorials conclude the exhibition: the delicate frame of the Monumento ai caduti nei campi nazisti (Monument to the victims of the Nazi camps) designed by BBPR, and the floating monolith of the Fosse Ardeatine—a memorial to Romans murdered by Nazis during the city’s occupation—designed by Mario Fiorentino, Giuseppe Perugini, Nello Aprile, and Cino Calcaprina.

Huxtable’s approach to establishing the lines of Italian Modernism is doctrinaire: she asserts that it was only through a conscious break with Italian traditions that a “mature” architecture took hold. [19] Notwithstanding the press release claiming that the show features Huxtable’s original research, the images that she used are almost all iconic photographs that had been published in Casabella, Domus, Architettura, and Quadrante. Nearly all of the pre-war works are found in Alberto Sartoris’s atlas Gli elementi dell’architettura funzionale, the third edition of which, published in 1941, undoubtedly served as a reference for Huxtable. [20] By declaring Terragni, Lingeri, Cattaneo, and Figini and Pollini the leading visionaries of the interwar era, Huxtable privileges the most polemical experiments of the 1930s as the nadir from which postwar modernism must be evaluated. In fact, with the exception of Roma Termini and the Fosse Ardeatine, all of the architecture exhibited is from the north and east coast of Italy. The enormous body of regime architecture is absent, as are crucial works including the Florence train station, progressive buildings constructed for the New Towns and the vacation colonies, and the Roman post offices by Mario Ridolfi and Adalberto Libera. Huxtable excludes architecture employing vernacular materials such as stone or wood in favor of buildings surfaced in stucco and smooth stone (the Fosse Ardeatine being the exception). Notwithstanding Nervi’s structural bravado, the expressive forms and structural patterns of which (Huxtable suggests) show an ornamental, decorative approach to concrete, Huxtable chose the most abstract examples of Italian design, featuring simple volumes, orthogonal composition, and relentless structural frames. She even describes the postwar departure from the geometric rigor of prewar work as “stimulating and disturbing” for its diversity, although she shows no buildings that illustrate her contention. [21] By highlighting the most compositionally inventive buildings, emphasizing large-scale housing as well as institutional and transportation buildings, Huxtable imposes the legacy of a narrowly defined Rationalism on a narrower selection of postwar projects to create the impression of a formal and aesthetic continuity that was now entering an uncertain phase.

Pier Luigi Nervi. Municipal Stadium, Florence. C. 1939 © Pier Luigi Nervi Project, Brussels

The selections can be partly attributed to Huxtable’s residency at IUAV. Just before her arrival, the school’s rector Giuseppe Samonà had begun assembling an extraordinary faculty: urbanist Luigi Piccinato, architect and designer Franco Albini, urbanist Giovanni Astengo, architect Ignazio Gardella, and historian Bruno Zevi. “Venice School” architects Albini and Gardella feature prominently in The Modern Movement in Italy. Despite his predilections against rationalism and his curious theories of organicism, Zevi’s influence on Huxtable was significant: in addition to introducing her to his history of modernism, published in 1950, he encouraged her to see architecture as the art of space. [22] However, the most critical experience for Huxtable appears to have been the 1951 Triennale di Milano. If the 1947 Triennale, with its focus on housing, economics, and material experimentation, had an urgent, essential tone, it was the 1951 Triennale that broached the topic of reconciliation between postwar democratic Italy and the Fascist entanglements with prewar modernism. In addition to installations that returned architecture to fundamental, transhistorical issues—form, symbolic proportion, light, space, and the human being as the measure of all things—the patrimony of architects who did not survive the war (Terragni, Edoardo Persico, Raffaelo Giolli, and Pagano) was reassessed in the context of the “political difficulties” that cast a shadow over modernism and the ethical obligations of architects. [23] As Ernesto Nathan Rogers later put it, the question of “continuity or crisis?”—would the postwar period require a break with the symbolism, abstraction, and polemics of the interwar era that made architecture so instrumental for the Fascist Party’s program, or could modernism be recuperated and redirected toward democratic, human ends—required looking backward and looking inward. [24] Given that many modernists did survive the war, all of whom had been members of the Fascist Party, and insofar as the monumentalist excesses of the late 1930s and early 1940s offered no viable architectural language for the new democracy, Italian architects during the 1950s struggled with uncertainty about the way forward.

Surveys published in 1954 and 1955 that coincide with Huxtable’s exhibition demonstrate the challenge of reframing Italian design amidst the drive to historicize Fascism. Paolo Nestler’s Neues Bauen in Italien lionizes the Rationalists as engaged in intellectual combat for the renovation of Italian architecture against regressive traditionalists, but concludes that Rationalism for all its strengths neither evolved a uniquely Italian modernism, nor did it vanquish the historicizing tendencies genetic to Italian culture. The images in his book are distant and cold, objectifying buildings to emphasize formal vocabularies and chiaroscuro effects. [25] Carlo Pagani’s Architettura Italiana Oggi begins by lamenting the “political frame” that had been laid over prewar architecture; he then, however, argues that the Rationalists produced high-quality designs that nonetheless failed to improve on their European precedents: instead of being grasped, the opportunity created by the Rationalists slipped away as their increasingly shrill rhetoric linked modernism to Italian tradition in an effort curry favor with the Fascist regime. Focusing on building types and employing images depicting relaxed domestic lifestyles, Pagani’s softer approach to Italian modernism aimed at moving beyond politics rather than asking hard questions. [26] G.E. Kidder-Smith’s 1955 book Italia Costruisce evaluates twentieth-century Italy with an anthropological eye, readily embracing contrasts between abstract forms, material textures, and vernacular profiles. His eclectic survey of buildings and diverse selection of imagery, including urban scenes, landscapes, and public events, situate modern architecture in the climatic and cultural context of Italy. His emphasis on people and place as that which unifies Italian architecture reflects the “continuity” ideology promoted by Rogers, who penned the book’s introduction. [27] All three authors marginalize or even expurge the classicist, monumental projects of the 1930s. However, what Pagani’s and Kidder-Smith’s books demonstrate, and what is absent Huxtable’s show, was the growing use of vernacular forms, local materials, and indigenous tectonics to impart a sense of immediacy and realism, the rise of the Neoliberty style with its eclectic and occasionally medieval allusions, and theories of “preexisting conditions” and the poetics of a sometimes refined, sometimes modest, humble historicism. [28] Taken together, these tendencies underline that the answer to the question “Continuity or discontinuity?” was in favor of the former—in favor of a continuity that could incorporate contradictions, disagreements, and ambiguities, so that architectural culture could move forward while skirting hard questions. Given that nearly every leading architect in the 1950s had been a Fascist Party member or had grown up under the only political system that they had ever known, the incorporation of uncertainties and ambiguities made “continuity” professionally appealing and intellectually expedient.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Whereas this struggle is not overtly depicted in The Modern Movement in Italy, perhaps because Huxtable saw only the first act of a long, complex drama, there is a politics to her selections which reflects some understanding of the rewriting of interwar history that was underway in Italy. Indeed, a simplified variation of the continuity thesis framed her exhibition: “Fine decorative sense, feeling for color, material and pattern, and willingness to experiment and invent have characterized the Italian contribution to postwar architecture and design. This exhibition demonstrates that these qualities stem from a logical and continuing growth during the past quarter century.” [29] However, to focus on her aesthetically sanitized and politically bleached exhibition misunderstands the politics of her show, which is best understood through what is absent. Huxtable’s installation purges architects whose work was tempered by overt allusions to classicism and especially anyone too close to the Fascist Party. She characterizes the Rationalists as victims of Roman academicism which by the 1940s held a “dictatorship” over architectural culture. The most glaring exclusions of architects who were instrumental in the formulation of prewar modernism are of Adalberto Libera, who tarnished his reputation with his design for the partially realized 1942 xenophobic and antisemitic Mostra della Razza (Exhibition on Race), and Luigi Moretti, who was a Fascist deputy and participated in the Republic of Salò, earning him jail time after the war. Some lacunae are difficult to explain, such as Carlo Mollino and Gio Ponti, and the omission of essential Rationalist architects such as Giuseppe Pagano, Mario Ridolfi, and Alberto Sartoris (perhaps the most important Rationalist theorist) is even more perplexing. Other absences reflect Cold War politics: center-left socialist architects feature prominently among the postwar work, but the exhibition includes no designs by architects who were members of or sympathetic toward the Italian Communist Party.

The mission of the Fulbright Foundation, which funded Huxtable’s studies, was to further international educational exchanges that would promote American values and perspectives abroad, while introducing scholars from other countries to the cultural offerings of the United States. While the Foundation was not easily instrumentalized in a direct manner as a propaganda tool, it nonetheless aligned with the US foreign policy goal of encouraging cross-cultural dialogues to counter Soviet propaganda. [30] Monies flowing into the Museum of Modern Art similarly sought to encourage international exchanges that would bolster America’s stature. The Modern Movement in Italy was one of many exhibitions funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Foundation, whose donations to MoMA sought “to encourage the exchange of art exhibitions between the United States and other countries.” [31] As historian Paolo Scrivano notes, Italo-American dialogues around architecture and design made extensive use of exhibitions and publications to build political and cultural bridges. MoMA exhibitions, such as Built in USA were restaged in Italy, while American agencies funded publications, programs, and initiatives related to reconstruction and the reorganization of the architectural profession. Whereas these efforts reflect the aspiration to encourage a liberal, democratic, postwar global order rooted in knowledge, debate, and culture, they never ran afoul of the agenda of blunting Soviet expansion. [32] Although there is no evidence that Huxtable consciously excluded communist architects from The Modern Movement in Italy, their presence, given the order of the world in 1954, would have been as problematic as that of fascists such as Libera or Moretti.

The single-mindedness of The Modern Movement in Italy can be understood as offering an architectural primer that established ground rules for assessing how postwar architects were reconciling the intertwined legacy of Fascism and modernism. Like Nestler’s, Pagani’s, and Kidder-Smith’s surveys, those ground rules began by deciding what and who to exclude for political and discursive reasons. In this regard, this body of work is less about modernism as an object of study and more about the postwar political context of that object. Nestler and Pagani approach the question from a domestic Italian perspective, and both acknowledge the political problems of Fascism in order to quickly move past them. Kidder-Smith and Huxtable view Italy from without, the former adopting an anthropological approach and the latter an art historical one, and both American writers also hasten to set Fascism aside. They all reach the same conclusion: the quality of Italian modernism, while never reaching its full potential, was too significant to be diminished by politics, whereas politics proved much easier to erase. On the other hand, The Modern Movement in Italy demonstrates the many modes in which American political and cultural efforts operated at home and abroad. It was never intended to be a massive retrospective: instead, it was crafted as one of many efforts organized by MoMA, using funds dedicated to encouraging transnational exchanges in order to reinforce geopolitical agendas. Given that the show was designed as an instrument of education rather than a critical retrospective of Italian architecture, Huxtable’s curation takes on a different light.

Curating can sometimes be understood as an art of exclusion—an art that is as much about technique as it is about communication and politics. If read in the context of Ada Louise Huxtable’s storied career, her selections for The Modern Movement in Italy are myopic: she misrepresents the 1930s and addresses none of the pressing social and human issues that were churning Italian society in 1954. In the context of the history of MoMA her show deserves better than to be entirely forgotten, but perhaps merits little more than a footnote or a few sentences. Huxtable’s exhibition is more meaningfully understood in the context of the postwar international stocktaking of Italian modernism. The Modern Movement in Italy coincided with a moment that was both fecund and fraught. It was fecund because, in a few short years between 1949 and 1955, there were countless retrospectives, exhibitions, and books reevaluating modernism’s legacy and its uncertain postwar trajectory. It was fraught because the field was oversaturated and therefore hard to stand out from. The nuances and uncertainties of Italian postwar architecture did not translate easily into the straightjacket of an exhibition.

The issue in the postwar stocktaking of Italian modernism was whether this movement had traits and characteristics of intrinsic value that could serve as the basis for a continued postwar modernism, free from the taint of Fascism. This stocktaking, which addressed both domestic and international audiences, always involved politically driven choices of what was to be excluded, forgotten, or erased. Unlike Germany, where much architecture was destroyed, most of Italy’s fascist-era buildings remained standing after the war. Publications, histories, and exhibitions became the chief means, through curation as exclusion, of constructing alternative histories and narratives that diminished, marginalized, or recast these monuments and architectures even as they continued to be used as functional buildings. Huxtable’s exhibition, with its limitations and distortions, underlines how the politics of continuity required a parallel program of erasure and forgetting, one that, for all its uncertainty, proved to be convenient, instrumental, and, indeed, essential, in both Italy and America.

Categories
Articles

the programmed architecture of leonardo mosso

Addressing a congress of architects in 1963, the Professor of Turin Polytechnic University, Leonardo Mosso,  declared: “Unfortunately, we must state that at this time there is no existing architectural culture”. [1] Mosso would later draw a distinction between “culture” and “ac-culturation” and would argue that the former is often replaced by the latter when what is implemented in the cultural field is not the creative will of the people, but that of a select few, whose will is imposed on the majority. [2]

If, in the 1960s, there was no architectural culture, there was certainly a tradition. From the 1960s onwards the thought and the work of Mosso, who was an artist and theorist as well as an architect, entered into a complex and interesting relationship with the concepts of tradition and the avant-garde on the threshold of Peter Bürger’s Theory of the Avant-Garde and the closely related ideas of Manfredo Tafuri. I will examine Mosso’s concepts of structural design and sustainable programmed architecture, as embodied in museum and urbanistic projects, through the prism of their relationship to a range of architectural, cultural and scientific traditions.

Leonardo Mosso, Gianfranco Cavaglià. Exhibition “Another Italy in the Banners of Workers. Symbols and Culture from the Unification of Italy to the Advent of Fascism”. Turin, 1981

Italian rationalism

The first tradition of relevance to Mosso is that of rationalist architecture, specifically of Italian rationalism, which faded into the shadows at the end of the 1930s, oppressed by fascist monumentalism, but still lingered on in the post-War years as a memorial to a future that was at once impossible and annihilated, symbolized by the Monument to the Victims of Concentration Camps created in a Milan cemetery by the Italian architectural group BBPR in 1946. Apart from its literal purpose, the Monument can be read as homage to ideals that were not destined to come true in principle (especially if viewed, not even from the 1960s, but from the disillusionment with utopias that ensued in the 1970s). Since the 1930s, pure rationalism had been criticized as an expression of liberal European culture that was incapable of dialogue with reality. [3] But its formal language would leave an imprint on the architecture of Mosso, whose career began in the early 1950s in the studio of his father, the futurist and rationalist Nicola Mosso. Father and son together designed the Turin church Gesù Redentore (1954–1957), with its clear reminiscences of the mathematically determined architecture of the Cartesian Guarino Guarini and his Chapel of the Holy Shroud, also in Turin.

BBPR. Monument to the Dead in the Concentration Camps at the Germany Cimitero Monumentale, Milan. 1946

The visual cues of Mosso’s architecture have a clear affinity with such 20th century rationalists as Franco Albini and especially Edoardo Persico. Mosso weaves a new musculature of semiological theory and critique of capitalism onto the familiar skeleton-grid, transforming the structure into a self-governing organism that opposes the absolute rule of the architect. In his 1969 Manifesto of Direct Architecture, Mosso sought “to overcome the violence of architects and come to a direct architecture, to overcome the violence of power and come to direct democracy.” [4] Other manifestos of programmed architecture, notably “Self-Generation of Form and the New Ecology”, [5] would come later. But their main principles were already set out in one of Mosso’s first independent projects, the Chapel for the Artist’s Mass, built in 1961–1963, which survives only in photographs. [6] The Chapel used a modular architecture of geometrical shapes reduced to their simplest form. In a style similar to that of Edoardo Persico, Mosso places an image (of the Madonna by the artist Carlo Rapp) in one of the modules. (It is interesting to note that Persico himself, in his 1933 article, “Italian Architects” had declared: “We believe that Italian rationalism is dead”). [7] The face of the Madonna, inscribed in a square, appears highly fragmentary. Judged by the standard of altar images, and in combination with the framework that defines the wall surface and holds the image, the effect is close to an Orthodox iconostasis, where the contours of the painted body often seem to support the frame. The other modules of the Chapel are empty and transparent (purified, like the elements of language in structuralism, which was a base theory for the 1960s and, in particular, for Mosso) and what knits the structure together is their linkage – a nodal point or joint. From the Artist’s Chapel onwards the development of this joint was the key task of Mosso’s work. The basis of the universal “elastic” joint, which holds the structure, is a sliding mechanism of elements fastened together with compression straps. In other, later models, there is a void at the centre of the joints; at their ends there are metal rings, which allow free rotation of the structure. [8] Numerous experiments that Mosso carried out with colleagues and students (teamwork was fundamental to his practice) produced a theory of the “virtual” joint, where virtuality is an almost philosophical concept [9] of ​​multidirectional elements and limitless possible linkages.

Leonardo Mosso. Cappella della messa dell’artista. 1961–1963

Mosso calls these regulated connections “post-Cartesian”, which implies the preservation in his world system of rationalism and a mechanistic philosophy, but with two important provisos. In the first place, the void, which Descartes rejected, is admitted and, moreover, takes precedence over substance and is the bearer of the functions, with which Mosso wants to endow his architecture. Due to the entropic nature of the joints proposed by Mosso, subsequent modifications to the structure re-record those made previously and cannot be undone, [10] leaving the trace of each person who influenced its transformation, but not fixing it in a stable state. Each iteration is conditioned by others in this sequence, but is associated with them only by memory (“The memory of the computer for a programmed city formed directly by its inhabitants” is one of Mosso’s “margin slogans” to his article on self-generation of form). [11] The second, equally important proviso of Mosso’s Cartesianism is rejection of the antinomy between mind and body, which is the mainstay of Descartes’s system. As Mosso declared in 1963: there is no “irreparable conflict” in the relationship between mind and body, any more than there is a conflict between idealism and positivism. [12] For Mosso the ultimate task of such a structure was the transfer of control from architect to users and elimination of the contradiction between man as subject and as object.

“Madonna” by Carlo Rapp in the Cappella della messa dell’artista. 1961–1963

Mosso’s rethinking of Cartesianism – enriched, as will be seen below, by cybernetics – involves the elimination of antinomies, making the human being into the subject of architecture and enabling the emergence of a new forms of social and spatial organization, “from the bottom up”, entailing a crisis of elitism. In Mosso’s own words: “This inversion, if carried to its logical conclusion, would bring the notion of ‘intellectual’ and ‘expert’ to a severe crisis, turning it from the function of a component in a directing elite, which always somehow tries to direct people even when its tendencies are socialist, into that of effective service for popular construction.” [13]

The transition from statics to dynamics represents another task: the limitlessness of formal transformation is identical with the variability of the scenarios of social transformation, which can be carried out by the same people. All of these principles were behind the “Commune of Culture” project of programmed architecture, which was Mosso’s entry in 1971 to the design competition for the future Centre Pompidou in Paris. What Mosso envisaged was an architectural and urbanistic organism controlled by a collective (a community) and developing thanks to structural processes in its cells, each of which contains the possibility of the most various configurations.

Leonardo Mosso. Commune of Culture. 1971. Courtesy Alain-Marie Markarian, Centre Pompidou

Structural and semiological approach

Mosso equates the role of an architect with that of a linguist, who reveals certain mechanisms (the linguist in language, the architect in buildings) instead of describing the possibilities of an element’s functioning. [14] Put in linguistic terms: the basis of syntactical structures in a language is not the component (which is intentionally treated as inexpressive and devoid of a priori meaning), but what links them – the “joint”. [15] Mosso’s idea is that these mechanisms come into the hands of users and are activated by them, because architecture is the least autonomous sphere of ​​culture and society. This is the new tradition of structural-semiology, which was taking hold in the 1960s and which the architect encountered and began to work with at its origins (unlike his encounter with the established discourse of Italian rationalism).

In the 1970s the publicist and anti-fascist activist Franco Antonicelli asked Leonardo Mosso to work on a project for the Museum of the Resistance (the architect had already designed several museum and exhibition projects by that time). [16] Creation of the Museum in the Palazzo Carignano in Turin occupied Mosso from 1974 until 1977. The idea [17] was to divide the Museum  into three parts: a first part that the designers called “symbolic” or introductory; a second consisting of a gallery with exhibits, the “Corridoio dei passi perduti” (Corridor of lost steps); and a third part offering a multimedia centre for research and education. [18] The same elastic joints, made from neoprene  are used in the structure that contains the Museum exhibits and in the Red Cloud – Mosso’s floating sculpture, made from wooden elements painted red, that leads into the exhibition. The Red Cloud looked out onto Turin’s Carlo Alberto square through the high window openings of what, in the 19th century, had been the hall of the Italian parliament (before its relocation to Rome). Mosso considered Red Cloud to be a milestone of his conceptual and formal explorations. In 1981, the sculpture was included in the exhibition held by the Piero Gobetti Study Centre, Another Italy in the Banners of Workers. Symbols and Culture from the Unification of Italy to the Advent of Fascism, which displayed the political insignia of a broad range of communities, from Catholic organizations to feminist groups and left-wing parties, anarchist groups, trade unions, etc. (the exhibition was made possible by Carla Gobetti’s discovery in January 1978 in the Italian state archives of about 190 flags and banners confiscated and exhibited in Rome by the government of Benito Mussolini at the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution, held in 1932 to mark the tenth anniversary of Mussolini’s March on Rome). [19]

Leonardo Mosso. “Red Cloud” in the Museum of Resistance, Turin. 1974

The models that Mosso built following the example of syntactic relations reflected the influence of structuralism and a belief in the possibility of new subject-object relations. In his text “Semiotics and Design, Consciousness and Knowledge. The Museum of the Resistance in Turin”, Mosso states that “research and experimentation with decoding, classification, documentation and communication, with the semiotic order of various object and document forms, with the legacy of those messages that are already available” are a necessary condition – the sine qua non – of museography. [20] Flags and banners are themselves sign systems. Mosso was the architect of the 1981 exhibition and his sculpture served as an overhead vault for the exhibits. Prior to the exhibition opening the curators carried out work to decipher the emblems, symbols, slogans and use of colors in the exhibits, tracing their transformation through the history of various labor movements. The work uncovered much that had not previously been known about political trends in Italy and about propaganda techniques. The aim was to help reformulate (albeit broadly) the language of the workers’ and peasants’ movement, reconstructing the tradition of each specific symbolic element and the overall, collective expression of will and thought. [21] And yet, both in 1974 and as a frame for the 1981 exhibition, Mosso’s sculpture seemed to be in clear contradiction with the structuralist approach. The red color and the cloud amount to what Umberto Eco called the “anthropological code”, that is, “facts relating to the world of social relations and living conditions, but considered only insofar as they are already codified” and, therefore, reduced to phenomena of culture. [22] They return the viewer to an established historical reading of the sign, and “the appeal to the anthropological code risks (or at least seems to risk) destroying the semiological system that rules our whole discourse.” [23] Red unambiguously marked the labor movement that was dear to Mosso and that was strongly present in the cultural life of Italy in the 1960–1970s even without the occasion offered by the exhibition, as manifested, for example, by the Marxist magazine Quaderni Rossi (Red Notebooks), published in 1961–1966, and the autoreduzione movement, in which left-wing protesters refused to pay market prices for goods, instead offering what they considered a fair price (the movement began in 1974 at the FIAT car factory in Turin).

Leonardo Mosso. Dynamic modification of a structure with a virtual joint. Courtesy Leonardo Mosso & Laura Castagno

The image of the cloud is even more complex, but also rooted in the historicized past. Hubert Damisch’s book A Theory of /Cloud/, published in 1972, had considered the multi-level and powerfully semiological nature of the concept of the cloud, viewing it as inextricably linked with the architecture of a powerful signifying space, usually bordering on the sacred, as in the case of the flags presented at the 1981 exhibition. [24] (Mosso himself spoke of the need to “‘desacralize’ the museum itself “, its appropriation by the people and the transformation of the self into a historical subject, to be achieved primarily by the decoding of documents). [25] In his book Damisch analyzes the functioning of the cloud as sign in different periods and cultural contexts and reaches interesting conclusions: on the one hand, the cloud, as a field, “has no particular meaning in itself; its only meaning is that which stems from the relations of consecutiveness, opposition and substitution that link it to other elements in the system”. [26] On the other hand, as Damisch says elsewhere in the book, the cloud always testifies to the closed nature of a system, “since it is the sign of opacity … the limit of representation, of what is representable.” [27] Despite Mosso’s fascination with open systems, despite his optimism about the potential of architecture to be a vehicle for social transformation, his self-positioning and his positioning of cultural production in the museum might be seen as reactionary in comparison with his contemporaries who at the same time were taking further the efforts, initiated by the historical avant-garde, to destroy the border between art and life. For Mosso, the Museum of the Resistance, “like potentially any other urban structure,” “starts from its sector of competence,” [28] which is to say that it is, essentially, autonomous. This is not to say that the museum should not be a living and contemporary structure, but “living” here means “museographically living”. In the words of anthropologist Alberto Mario Cirese, quoted by the critic Arturo Fittipaldi in his article on the Museum of the Resistance: the museum must admit that it is a metalanguage, which will be adequate to life on condition that it is aware of its essence and its limitations. [29]

Leonardo Mosso. Projet de ville-territoire programmée et autogérée. 1968–1969. Courtesy Centre Pompidou

So Mosso, operating within the tradition of structuralism, consciously departed from it and entered the tradition of semiotic reading, which he considered to be a necessary condition “for accessing a historical understanding of past reality” [30] and also for dialogue with the viewer about contemporary problems. By thus rejecting the accepted historicism he agreed with Hubert Damisch that the history of culture needs to be presented as a dynamic model and to be understood as a continual return to the source, and that it is akin to continuous movement within a certain given space. In such a model there can be no contrast between tradition and the avant-garde, and this acceptance of their reciprocity entails agreement with the pessimistic conclusions of Peter Bürger and Manfredo Tafuri. It can be argued that Mosso performed a decomposition of tradition (specifically a “decomposition” and not a “deconstruction”, because in the latter, according to Derrida, the generation of meanings occurs thanks to the interconnection of elements, while the former implies only flexibility in their use), separating traditions into various ideological and formal elements, thereby levelling their temporal aspect, their extension, and hence also doing away with the division into “old” and “new”, “good” and “bad”, “productive” and “unproductive”. On the one hand, the effect of the Red Cloud was to destabilize the visitor’s perception by its alien nature in the realm of the visual, but, on the other hand, the Cloud remained neutral, transparent and non-invasive towards the enclosing architecture, with its frescoes on the theme of the commonwealth of art and science. [31]

Leonardo Mosso. Elastic joints in the studio of Leonardo Mosso. 2016. Courtesy Gianfranco Cavaglià

Organic architecture and programming

The tradition of organic architecture in its relationship with techno-positivism and the concept of a programmable city was also of decisive importance for Mosso. The architect came into contact with organic architecture when he was working in the studio of Alvar Aalto in 1955–1958. Its ideas were championed in Italy by Bruno Zevi, who was deeply influenced by the work of Frank Lloyd Wright, and the title of Zevi’s seminal work Towards an Organic Architecture (1945) refers explicitly to Le Corbusier’s Towards Architecture (1923). Zevi was categorical regarding what he considered to be a “modern language of architecture”, and particularly that it must reject geometrism and, most of all, symmetry: “Once you get rid of the fetish of symmetry, you will have taken a giant step on the road to a democratic architecture”; [32] “The public buildings of Fascism, Nazism, and Stalinist Russia are all symmetrical”; [33] “Symmetry is a single, though macroscopic symptom of a tumor whose cells have metastasized everywhere in geometry. The history of cities could be interpreted as the clash between geometry (an invariable of dictatorial or bureaucratic power) and free forms (which are congenial to human life).” [34] In Zevi’s view, if such great masters as Aalto, Walter Gropius or Mies van der Rohe returned to symmetry as to the “bosom of classicism”, that was an act of surrender on their part and an admission of their inability to create a new language. Organic architecture, like Italian rationalism before it, saw itself as the antithesis of monumentalism and its myths. [35] Its principal ambition was to return to a humanistic measure, which was especially important in the context of post-war reflection, and to advance the democratization of culture and society. Organic architecture believed that this required a denial of rationalism and functionalism, seeming to forget that they had had (and still retained) their own humanistic measure, but one based not on form, but on proportion.

A Congress held in 1951 in Milan, as part of the 9th Triennale, was devoted to the theory of proportion and was accompanied by an exhibition of studies in proportion. Two of the leading theorists of proportion, Le Corbusier and Rudolf Wittkower, both took part in the Congress and deep disagreements between them ensured that the atmosphere was tense. [36] Construction of the exhibition, designed by the young architect Francesco Gnecchi-Ruscone, was in the best rationalist tradition, using iron pipes and in accordance with the golden ratio, allowed the exhibits to be viewed from a variety of angles, including from the bottom up.

Studi sulle proporzioni. IX Milan triennale. 1951. Courtesy Archivio Fotografico © La Triennale di Milano

Few have been able to bend the parallel trajectories of rationalism and the organic to a point where they meet. The most notable effort in this direction is the “biotechnics” theory of the Austrian botanist and microbiologist Raoul Francé. Biotechnics, in Francé’s understanding, means the “technology of life”, a concept that fits very well with Mosso’s Cartesian mechanicism. Francé, like the rationalists, reduced the diversity of biological and technical forms to basic elements: “What is perhaps most amazing is that all these countless needs for movement, all the alterations of appearance and way of life were met and produced by the application and varied combination of just seven basic technical forms: crystal, sphere, plane, ribbon, cylinder, screw and cone.” [37] Man, Francé believes, can only invent what vital matter has already invented before him. “The biotechnical principle reigns everywhere we look. The decisive factor is necessity. What is needed is done, and the first adaptation is then improved where possible. Moreover, everything is done with the least expenditure of effort, in the most rational way. The system of T-beams that we use in our buildings is also applied in a similar way by plants.” [38]

Mosso also equated his structures with the organism: the thrust of his program text “Self-generation of Form and the New Ecology” was “for architecture as an organism”. [39] Beginning from 1964, he collaborated with the magazine Nuova Ecologia (New Ecology), which drew together the threads of structuralism, politics and environmental awareness. In 1970 Mosso and his wife Laura Castagno set up the Center for the Study of Environmental Cybernetics and Programmable Architecture at the Polytechnic University of Turin,  where he developed an “eco-social” model of architecture, based on semiological, anthropological and ecological theories, calling for the involvement of ordinary people in the organization and management of space. [40] These principles were the basis of Mosso’s “non-authoritarian structural self-programming” and “non-object-based architecture” (the latter defined by Mosso when he presented his work at the 1978 Venice Architecture Biennale).

How does the idea of ​​the organic come into connection with the idea of the programmable? In 1953 the editorial column of an issue of Architectural Forum magazine, in which Frank Lloyd Wright published an article on the language of organic architecture, asked the question: “But who is to say what is human?” [41] And in 1969, Manfredo Tafuri, in his article “Towards a Critique of Architectural Ideology”, asked: “What does it mean, on the ideological level, to liken the city to a natural object?” [42]

Mosso intertwined the organic paradigm with a rationalistic language, which had been compromised not only by Zevi, but also by other contemporary theorists, who offered a critique of techno-positivism that was to a large extent justified. For example, Tafuri linked all formalized artificial languages, be they sign systems or programming languages, to the scientific forecasting of the future and the use of “game theory”, and also to the development of capitalism, asserting that they contribute to the “plan of development” of capitalism. [43] Mosso emphasized that programming in his theory is not “game”, but “the self-determination of life and of each one’s personal abilities for the realization and conservation of the equilibrium man-environment-knowledge research-freedom-life-architecture”. [44]

Leonardo Mosso. Universal three-dimensional serial structure, self programming with movable and elastic connections

How did the requirement for direct personal participation in “self-planning of the community” [45] and architectural planning coexist in Mosso’s program with the mediation of this participation by technology? Mosso was not a supporter of techno-positivism. As he declared in 1963: “The open wound torn by the industrial revolution in man has not yet healed.” According to Mosso, the new revolution, generated by the earlier one, had brought changes of a completely new level, being inspired not by the machine, but by the idea of ​​organization and of a system. The idea of ​​organization is what is crucial here, and it is contrasted with the absolute of form, which had previously concerned architects. Now, as Tafuri put it, the architectural object in its traditional understanding “has been completely dissolved” [46] in the task of industrial planning of the city. This distinction between plan and architectural object is most significant. The opening words of Mosso’s text about the new ecology show that the distinction was as important to Mosso as it was to Tafuri and that Mosso saw the concept of the plan as an unavoidable necessity in today’s world: “We must first understand that we all have to plan, not only a few of us. <…> It is simultaneously our duty to create those structural instruments of service which are indispensible for everyone in exercising their right and duty of planning ”. [47] Mosso renounced this function in his role as architect and delegated it to the computer, just as Tafuri renounced it and preferred to be a historian and critic. Mosso recognized that computational and programming methods had become a tool of exploitation, [48] but, realizing the impossibility of overthrowing them, he instrumentalized and intensified them, following the logic and, in fact, anticipating the project of accelerationism, similarly to Tafuri, who proposed that the shock of modern civilization should be “swallowed, absorbed and assimilated as today’s inevitability.” [49]

Translation: Ben Hooson