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the musealization of the alternative: exiled narratives and practices in post-yugoslav art

The cultural reality following 1989 in the former Yugoslavia was framed by constant social, economic, and political crises that persist to the present day. The crises culminated with the Yugoslav war of disintegration, but also continued through the socio-economic transition from socialism to liberal capitalism. The process of transition, described also as a process of failed democratization, was marked by strict regulation of the public domain, including the sphere of arts and culture. Through the control of cultural production, the post-Yugoslav political establishments of the 1990s transformed museums and other cultural institutions into tools of ideological warfare, where sanctioned nationalist visual culture was deployed in overwriting the supranational Yugoslav identity. However, the alternative scene that developed in parallel with this responded with various initiatives in an attempt to preserve pluralist thinking and counter the militaristic and chauvinistic narratives that were proliferating. These initiatives included artist and curatorial collectives, projects, NGOs, and other platforms for critical engagement and knowledge production, including artist-run spaces and museums created by artists. While existing in exile, or outside of the main cultural grid, these museums grew their collections from personal and found objects, public symbols, stories, and actions, mixing them in an effort to create productive strategies for critical engagement with the dominant cultural and political discourse.

Taken as the starting point for this article is the exhibition held in the ruined building of the Belgrade City Museum in 2016, Upside-Down: Hosting the Critique, where many of the museums of relevance to this article were showcased in the form of textual placards and images, including Homuseum (Škart group), Yugomuseum (Mrđan Bajić), Inner Museum (Dragan Papić), Metaphysical Museum (Nenad Bračić), and Rabbit Museum (Nikola Džafo). These museums challenge the restrictive definition of the term ‘museum’ through the social, activist, and performative practices of their authors. Although materially heterogeneous, these museums correspond organizationally with the classical institution and use its structure and name as a critical point in their conceptual explorations. Some of them have also used official institutions as their temporary display location, complicating the understanding of art activism and alternative art practices.

This article addresses the relationship between official and alternative institutions, art projects, and initiatives in times of crisis, with a focus on post-socialist society and artist-created museums. The aim is to broaden the scope of understanding of meaningful art engagement with oppressive systems and those in crisis, marked by “historic revisionism, nationalism and rampant capitalism”. [1] Through a close reading of the selected museums, their role within a wide range of alternative practices will be elucidated, and a new theoretical framing for their understanding will be proposed. Being artworks, but also institutions in their own terms, the selected museums become spaces of exiled artefacts, memory, and actions that gain agency through institutionalization.

The Collapse of Yugoslavia and the Crisis of Cultural Institutions

The collapse of socialist Yugoslavia, resulting in the first armed conflict in Europe since the Second World War, was put in motion decades earlier than is usually understood. Although Yugoslavia’s disintegration formally began when its republics, first Slovenia and soon after Croatia, declared independence in 1991, the political and, more importantly, economic changes that would lead to disintegration started in the early 1960s. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was established in 1945 with six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, and Macedonia) as its constitutive parts, and its people deemed equal under the banner of brotherhood and unity. A Yugoslav identity that transcended the ethnonational one then stood as the unifying principle upon which Yugoslav national culture and politics were built. The country was governed on the principles of equal opportunity, free medical care, free education, a planned economy, self-management of workers, antifascism, and non-alignment. The system of self-management contributed to the development of the socialist production model while centralized economic organization served to consolidate balanced regional development. [2] However, the changes from 1961 onward, with the technocracy pushing for a decentralized system of investments and foreign trade in place of a centralized and controlled one, led to the disarticulation of the Yugoslav economy, with the westernmost republics being better prepared for this change. [3]

The decentralization of the economy and opening up to foreign markets — which included a devaluation of the national currency and deregulation of prices in order to make Yugoslav industry more competitive — are the staples of market socialism that was developing in this period. A new Constitution in force from 1974 furthered the processes of economic disarticulation, with the republics gaining more independence in decision making regarding economic issues, and increasingly acting as individual players on foreign markets. This process of partial capitalist restoration and a slow liberalization of the market also saw a rise in internal conflicts, with each republic fighting for economic dominance over the others. [4] The republican bureaucracies consolidated their influence by assuming the role of national protectors, in what was predominantly an economic struggle, thus moving the conflict to an ideological field of national identities instead of dealing with structural problems. [5] As political economist Dimitrije Birač concludes in his elaboration on the processes of privatization in Croatia, it was possible to achieve capitalist restoration in Yugoslavia only through the mechanism of national states. [6] Coupled with further economic decline during the 1980s, this created a background from which the latter conflict and Yugoslav disintegration ensued. The collapse of Yugoslavia, although prompted by economic decline and the internal struggles for economic domination, was played out in the field of identity politics. The negation of Yugoslav identity, and assertion of the national one, happened in all the republics simultaneously. Nationalist rhetoric worked to actively erase any ideas about cultural continuation between Yugoslavia and the newly formed states, and proposed a different framing of national identification, one going beyond and excluding Yugoslav history and its values. [7] In Serbia, for example, this meant a return to the distant Middle Ages and the first Serbian medieval kingdom as the national signposts. The changes reflected a broader climate of re-traditionalization, where nationalist, patriarchal, and militaristic values became the markers of a new cultural climate, present in media, publications, public talks, and other forms of public engagement. [8] In the field of the arts, the described changes led during the 1990s to the disintegration of the Yugoslav art space as well as the enforcement of national identity and divisions in this sphere too. [9]

Major shifts in the museum practices of the dominant cultural institutions also happened along the lines of a search for national identity and culture that would overcome and relegate to history the Yugoslav past. One telling example is that of a group exhibition held in the National Museum in Belgrade in 1994, named Balkan Sources in Serbian Painting of the 20th Century, which was critically described as a sum of ethnic, national, and Christian symbols and myths that corresponded with official cultural politics steeped in nationalist and conservative values. [10] Belgrade’s Museum of Contemporary Art, although not directly invested in the new cultural politics through exhibition practices, nevertheless participated in the process by its self-marginalization, with minimal production and participation in cultural life throughout this period. [11]

With a lack of critical institutional response to the changing reality, alternative cultural initiatives started to appear in all former Yugoslav republics. They provided platforms for alternative voices, anti-war and anti-militaristic, to be heard, albeit within a limiting circle of activists, artists, and the informed public. Some of them went through the institutionalization processes themselves, such as the Center for Cultural Decontamination in Belgrade, founded in 1995, the Metelkova centre in Ljubljana, Konkordija in Vršac, Barutana in Osijek, and the Rex centre and Remont gallery in Belgrade, among others. [12]

Following the war, the art scene during the early 2000s was affected by the closing of two major museums in Belgrade, the National Museum and the Museum of Contemporary Art, due to reconstruction. For over a decade the doors of these museums remained closed, and large-scale exhibitions and retrospectives had to be either postponed, downsized to fit smaller gallery spaces, or moved to institutions with a different primary focus. At the same time, other institutions and galleries, such as the Museum of Yugoslav History, gained prominence with their shows, and even dilapidated buildings such as that of the Belgrade City Museum became new art hubs. Alternative spaces also proliferated, one of them being Inex Film, based on the premises of a former import-export company that closed in the 1990s. This building was transformed into a squat place for young artists, and contained several art studios and an exhibition space. [13]

Alternative institutions did not just include those with a fixed location or structural organization resembling an institution, but also initiatives which used the terminology, structure, or other elements of an institution to engage in critical work, but which did not operate as classical institutions per se. [14] They represent one of the many forms of critical engagement with art institutions that proliferated in the former Yugoslavia and the broader region of Central and Eastern Europe following the collapse of communist regimes. Initiated by art professionals, these practices searched for alternative possibilities of functioning within the system; of being present but changing the spaces of display on an ongoing basis.

Hosting the Critique

Among the first systematic presentations and analysis of the relationship between the official museum institution and its alternative, artist-created museums and practices in the former Yugoslavia, were the exhibitions held in Ljubljana and Serbia titled Inside Out – Not So White Cube (2015) and Upside Down: Hosting the Critique (2016). The latter, held in the Belgrade City Museum, presented a continuing exploration in three sections of the theme started in Ljubljana’s show – the position and role of alternative, artist-run spaces and institutions, projects, and initiatives in contemporary times of crisis. The three sections corresponded with important questions the exhibitions raised regarding the significance of such projects and initiatives within the institutional art networks, the position of official museums in periods of transition, and the functioning of artists’ museums and their raison d’être.

The first section was initially created for the Ljubljana show. It took the form of a research archive of different artistic practices, exhibitions, and projects created as a response to official practices and institutions. The analysis continued in the second section, dedicated to the complex position of the Museum of Modern Art in Belgrade within the political changes and economic circumstances of a Serbia in transition. At the time of the exhibition, the museum had been closed for several years due to renovations, and the projects commented on this situation. The third section showcased artists’ museums — the alternative spaces for exhibiting artworks, but also for questioning and reflecting on the complex socio-political, cultural, and institutional contexts of art production, collection, and presentation. This section was a showpiece of practices which, created in times of crisis and transition, attempted to disturb the status of the official institutions and memory, and to offer new modalities of thinking about, and acting upon the institutional structures and processes of remembrance. The institutionalization of artist’s initiatives — through naming and organization, but also through presentation within official institutions of culture — constitutes a critical point for interpretation of these works within a broader spectrum of political possibilities.

Museums, being never neutral spaces for displaying art, produce narratives, histories, and values, and “frame our most basic assumptions about the past and about ourselves”. [15] They are, like any other institution, conditioned by socio-political, cultural, and economic circumstances. The institutional importance and prestige of museums have often been (mis)used in support of various different political and cultural agendas, with their seemingly neutral position being a fruitful ground for establishing normative narratives on culture and identity.

As an alternative, a more transparent and power-sharing museum institution has been theorized in recent decades. The new institution should unpack the assumptions about a museum’s neutrality and become a site of “discourse and critical reflection that is committed to examining unsettling histories with sensitivity to all parties”. [16] The idea of a critical museum in the context of Central and Eastern Europe has been proposed and analysed on the example of the National Museum in Warsaw by art historian Piotr Piotrowski. [17] His definition of a critical museum as a museum-forum, open for public debate on important issues from the past and present, emphasizes a self-critical stance as crucial in its functioning. [18] Institutional critique developed from within an institution is an important aspect in the restructuring of museums into democratizing, dialogical tools; a position that is particularly significant for the former socialist states.

However, the position of museums as normative institutions in the context of the historical reframings and nationalist discourses of the post-socialist countries limited the scope of possibilities for critical interventions. The status of these institutions as public and being funded by the state, influenced the development of different modalities of institutional critique than those created in the liberal capitalist societies. [19] While in the West institutional critique was ‘institutionalized’ from the 1960s onward, in the post-Yugoslav context such interventions were manifested primarily through artistic works and actions that were marginalized in art discourse, or downright ignored. [20] Art historian Maja Ćirić makes a distinction between art practices that were ignored by the art system and therefore failed to broaden the scope of the art field, and those that were presented at review shows, such as Upside-Down, or supported by institutions themselves. [21] These practices enter official institutions, but their critical potential is deemed appropriated and subdued in the creation of postmodern plurality.

Institutional critique as a radical protest against the established art norms and structures of circulation and presentation of art — enacted through art practices but also in the form of pickets, boycotts, blockades and occupations of institutions, and other forms of public dissent — is often institutionalized, such as in the symposium “Institutional Critique and After” that took place at the LA County Museum of Art in 2005. [22] The critique of such practices is aimed at their political potential, which seems to have been co-opted by the institutions these practices reacted against, and thus rendered ineffective. Agency is attributed to the formats that stay outside of the institution, which, when co-opted, lose their political efficacy. However, the art institution, when understood as a broader concept including the “entire field of art as a social universe” [23] widens the scope and effectiveness of critique, and provides a more generous framework for a reading of art’s political and cultural significance.

As artist Andrea Fraser proceeds to analyse, the institution of art is established not just through institutions and practices, but also through the modes of perception and other competencies that allow each individual to recognize art as art. Therefore, the outside of the institution cannot be achieved either through physical removal from it, or through conceptual and theoretical existence outside of it. It is internalized, and therefore institutional critique can only come from inside of the institution itself. [24] This, however, should not devalue institutional critique. Instead, the institutionalization of the institution of critique, as explained in the example of the failure of the project of historical avant-gardes, is a site of political action. As Fraser explains: “Recognizing that failure and its consequences, institutional critique turned from the increasingly bad-faith efforts of neo-avant-gardes at dismantling or escaping the institution of art and aimed instead to defend the very institution that the institutionalization of the avant-garde’s ‘self-criticism’ had created the potential for: an institution of critique. And it may be this very institutionalization that allows institutional critique to judge the institution of art against the critical claims of its legitimizing discourses, against its self-representation as a site of resistance and contestation, and against its mythologies of radicality and symbolic revolution.” [25]

Thus understood, the potential of ‘institutionalized’ institutional critique provides a highly productive framework for the interpretation of self-institutionalizing practices of artists from the former Yugoslav space. Their practice can be broadly defined as emerging “from a belief in organizing new programmes and activities to combat constraining political, social, economic and cultural conditions” — a definition of self-institutionalizing as proposed by art historian Izabel Galliera. [26] Talking about the different context of Central and Eastern Europe, particularly of Bulgaria, Romania, and Hungary, she analyses the political agency of the dominant initiatives and models of self-historicizing in this region. Although her focus is on initiatives other than artists’ museums, such as the artistic initiatives DINAMO and IMPEX from Budapest, 0GMS project from Sofia, and the organization Department for Art in Public Space in Bucharest, there are broad similarities in purpose and engagement with the museums discussed here. The mentioned initiatives worked as alternative and discursive places that questioned “the rewriting of recent past … and engaged in self-reflexive and sustained forms of critical discussion on the recent socialist past, on what ‘leftist’ thinking could mean in a post-socialist context and on the role of local institutions dedicated to contemporary art”. [27]

Artists’ museums also engaged, in their own particular way, with aspects Galliera describes, specifically those relating to the re-examination of the past and self-reflective positioning within the art system and its institutions, as the following close reading of the works will show. The Metaphysical Museum of Nenad Bračić archives and historicizes Bračić’s art practice, similarly to the practice of IMPEX that focused on the local alternative art scene. Satire as a strategy was deployed by 0GMS in institutional critique and is also a recurring theme in Yugomuseum by Mrđan Bajić, Rabbit Museum by Nikola Džafo, and the Inner Museum by Dragan Papić. In addition, talking about the past and questioning the politically sanctioned narratives about it constitute one of the dominant aspects of these initiatives and museums, and reflect a broader interest among the artists and art workers of Central and Eastern Europe. While the mentioned initiatives functioned more-or-less as community centres and platforms with various programmes, artists’ museums were focused on artworks and their creation as well as on display in virtual and real places. However, both models of engagement with art institutions and broader political issues positioned art at the centre of political struggle and emphasized various modalities of art’s political potentialities.

Yugomuseum (Mrđan Bajić)

This museum does not need halls and walls; you
do not need to purchase a ticket to gain admission.
You move about in it at no cost every day, whether
you want to or not…
[28]

Yugomuseum, a multimedia project by sculptor Mrđan Bajić, developed over several years, starting from the initial ideas and experiments in 1998. The first international presentation of the project came in 2002 at the 25th São Paulo Biennial, and was later included in the exhibition Project Reset at the Venice Biennale in 2007, as part of the display in the Serbian Pavilion. [29] It was the first time that Serbia had appeared at the Biennale as an independent country, following the breakup of the Serbia and Montenegro union in 2006. Bajić had previously been selected to present his work at the Biennale in 1993, but due to the sanctions imposed on Yugoslavia by the international community, which included a ban on all cultural exchanges, his participation was cancelled. [30] The re-selection of the artist in 2007 symbolically marked the beginning of Serbia’s independent participation at the Venice show; a general attempt to reset its culture, and a personal resetting for Bajić himself. [31] Project Reset was a three-part display with sections named Yugomuseum, Back-Up, and Reset occupying the space both inside and outside of the Yugoslav Pavilion. [32] Yugomuseum, positioned at the entrance in the form of a time capsule with a sturdy, architectural form opening up towards the doorway, hosted a video presentation of the museum’s exhibits. This represented an archaeological excavation of memory, from the position of a disenfranchised subject that had lost its point of reference with the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The ironic, surreal, and emotionally charged works seem to be patched together from the uncertain and wavering memory of this subject; a memory that oscillates between contradictions of the Yugoslav past — of its praise, condemnation, and erasure. During the 1990s, Yugoslavia became throughout the region a symbol of a lost time when national identity could not be expressed and exercised fully, and therefore the national consciousness and culture had failed to come into being in its imaginary completeness. The lost time had to be compensated through rapid national mobilization in the 1990s, meaning that the past needed to be erased as a point of collective identification.

Mrđan Bajić. Yugomuseum, installation idea, 1998–2002. Photo courtesy of Mrđan Bajić

Fragments of the Yugoslav past — its symbols, objects, images, and other memorabilia — are mixed in Yugomuseum with the contemporary moment and its visuals, including fragments from the nationalist mobilization that resurface the uneasy memories of violence, hatred, and crimes committed. The Yugoslavia from which the memorabilia derived is thus not just the socialist, federative, post-Second-World-War Yugoslavia, but also its predecessor and successor — the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as its ideological antipode, and the Federal Yugoslavia created from the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 1992. [33] Although it references a concrete historical period, Yugomuseum goes beyond the representative historical framework, and instead transforms the history into an aesthetic experiment in Bajić’s “sculptotectural” manner.

Sculptotecture (skulptotektura in Serbian), a term used to describe the artist’s works, combines sculpture and architecture into one. [34] As a hybrid form of expression that draws from both models of creative production but subscribes to neither, it is characterized by the tension between their different principles, such as “reduction and construction, imagination and rationalization”. [35] Developed over the years, starting from the artist’s early experiments in the 1980s, sculptotecture finds its expression in the Yugomuseum as well, as one aspect of this complex work. Yugomuseum had evolved over the years, from materials gathered through email correspondence and the construction of artefacts, into a unifying model at Venice, where the museum is present through virtual display and the concrete form that hosts it.

Yugomusem passed through four phases of artistic explorations, starting with the early email correspondence between the artist and his friends, acquaintances, and collectors. The artist sent images, digital works, and collages of the objects he had designed, and gathered comments, photo contributions, essays, and reactions, developing his ideas further through this practice. The second phase included a presentation of the museum through public talks in several cities. At these talks, Bajić described the museum and its exhibits, and included images as well, to complete the illusion of the museum as a real and physically existing place. In the third and fourth phase, the artifacts were created and shown in several exhibitions, followed by a web presentation of the museum at www.yugomuzej.com. [36] The full scope of the museum includes a shop, library, an archive, and a children’s corner in its virtual space. [37] The final project consists of 52 artefacts (although new artefacts could be added) that are described in detail by the artist. These descriptions add detail and help in understanding. For example, the text for one of the artefacts reads as follows:

*040: Parade. 900×600×1200cm, 2001.Wood; cardboard; youth, workers and the honest intelligentsia; a hammer and sickle, woven from red carnations; the inscription: ‘Brotherhood and Unity’; the coat of arms of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and its republics on a movable platform which was a part of the 1st May Parade in 1957. Donated by Bagat. [38]

Such descriptions help those less versed in Yugoslav history and its symbols to understand the complexity of the works, the museum as a whole, and also the great mass of historical material that has been put through various interpretations. As the artist stated, the museum developed over time and was literally developed by the time in which was created. [39] It seemed like a good idea, as he stated further, that the time of lies and false historical memory might be reflected in an imaginary institution that would decentre the dominant narratives about the past, and include personal memories as a mockery of the “large and horrifying history”. [40]

The lines of interaction between the museum and its visitors are transposed onto the level of the artist’s impressions, memories, and aesthetic choices, where narratives, associations, and affective reactions derive both from personal recollections and from artistic choices in creating complex visual symbols. The important moment was the inclusion of supposed future visitors in the creation of the artefacts through email correspondence. In this way, the artist created Yugomuseum as an art space of personal and collective transformation, where past truths, events, and symbols could be revisited, questioned, and problematized. By showing the historical material through the prism of personal experience and personal artistic practice, the museum’s existence as a normative site of knowledge, a site the institution of the museum has held throughout history, is abandoned and the status of its supposed historical neutrality is reviled as a fallacy. The aesthetic component, of being a personal vision of history to which it belongs, made of fragments brought together in sculptotectures, further visually and conceptually decentres the museum from the position of a historical narrator. It shows instead the personal truths of an individual, caught up in the makings and unmakings of various Yugoslavias, who seeks to find their own space of understanding and meaning.

The Inner Museum (Dragan Papić)

Dragan Papić, an artist of diverse and prolific output, began collecting various everyday objects in 1976, and over the years his collection grew significantly to the point that he decided to present it in the form of a museum, named the Inner Museum. As he explains, work on the museum started in late 1993, and he named it the Inner Museum as a concluding point in its development. [41] The decision to name the collection a museum represents a play on the meaning of this institution and its significance regarding collective knowledge and processes of remembering. The collected objects are arranged in unusual, surreal, and awkward ways, aesthetically resembling a contemporary cabinet of curiosities and “an archaeology of the rubbish dump”, through which personal and collective memory is contrasted, analysed, and communicated. [42] The meaning of the objects is decided by the artist, as is the logic of the arrangement, but it remains almost impossible to decipher them without the artist’s explanations.

The museum is located in the artist’s flat in Belgrade, and therefore — in contrast to other museums of interest here that do not have a permanent location or were temporary — has a physical location that can be visited. Over the years, the collection grew to the extent of hundreds of objects, seeped out of Papić’s flat, and took possession of the communal spaces in the building, including entrance halls and staircases. This led to a dispute with one of the residents in 2007 and a collective action by other artists to preserve and protect the museum. [43] Although present on the cultural scene for many years, the museum was officially recognized as a site of cultural significance in Belgrade only in 2010. [44] It was open to visitors by appointment until 2007, and today it occasionally opens its doors to researchers. A selection of exhibits from the museum was displayed at the 44th October Salon in Belgrade in 2003, under the title Fragments of the Inner Museum, for which the artist won the Salon’s award. The museum was also included in the selection of the Salon in 2006 by the curator René Block. [45] For the 2006 exhibition, the museum was open to visitors at its location, turning a private flat into a public space for five weeks.

Still from the video The Inner Museum of Dragan Papić showing the artist with part of his collection. Courtesy of Marka Žvaka

Collected over time, the objects in the museum acquire meaning as carriers of memory about the socialist Yugoslav past and broader global events. They resemble a mausoleum of the visual memory of Yugoslavia and its aftermath — an undesirable recollection during the processes of nationalist mobilization. Various porcelain figurines, dolls, toys, decorative plates, Yugoslav souvenirs, Yugoslav symbolic objects, kitsch paintings, and other memorabilia were collected from the streets, dumpsters, and flea markets, testifying to the marginalization of narratives and the memories they represented. Their significance is reestablished through the context of the display, but outside of the museum as their cohesive element, these objects would probably find their way back to the marginal places from which they were collected. The action of bringing them to the centre of attention in a museum-like setting is a critical gesture of rethinking the value of art and more generally of what can be art in the context of the past and present. Memories, through artistic intervention, are collected and collated to create a network of often confusing visual artefacts which, through the process of naming, gain their critical potential and artistic value. The absurdity and confusion of their arrangements combined with their sheer number punctuate the surplus of memory left unacknowledged by the official memory politics. Although many of the artefacts stand for events and people that were present in public narratives, the artistic intervention puts them in relations that clarify and accentuate the problematic aspects of their past that have been removed from public discourse.

For example, one of the artefacts named Storm after the military operation in Croatia during the Yugoslav War consists of toys in the form of an elephant, dog, and a human figure. These toys are named Stjepan Mesić (the human figurine dressed in Austrian/German folk costume), Ratko Mladić as the dog, and a collateral victim as the elephant. Mesić, the last holder of the Yugoslav Presidency and later Croatian president, next to Ratko Mladić, a war criminal and a leader of the Republika Srpska army during the conflict, stand over the toppled victim, creating a grotesque tableau vivant. [46] Drawing on memories about these persons, the tableau puts uncomfortable histories together, which, through the level of association, open a space for dialogue and critical examination of the past events. The Inner Museum of the artist works also as his inner space; his metaphorical body that is reflected also through self-portraits he concocted with the help of kitsch paintings of a crying boy that were once widespread in Yugoslav households. He transforms them with the addition of reading glasses inserted into the painting, creating a combination of painting and sculpture. These artefacts, created during the NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999, testify to the affective level of the museum, where histories and memories are not just cognitively dissected, but are also addressed through the visceral, emotional level and transposed into objects of symbolic value. The Inner Museum, working both on the individual and collective level, stands also for the inner, invisible part of an institution; an unacknowledged depository of rejected visual materials, removed to the margins of recollections.

A dialogue between visitors and the artist inside the museum is a crucial element of its function, as the inner vision of the artist and the associations, histories, and stories he creates come in contact with others who experienced the same period and can elucidate its various aspects. Thus, the museum, as the artist’s home and a reflection of his inner self and the memories he carries, is contaminated with other memories and visions, in a performative act of past reevaluations, dialogue, and critique, with points of ideological and political contacts between the past and the present materialized through artefacts as “symbolic guides”. [47] The museum forms a “performative archive” where names given to objects, the compositions they make, and the interaction with visitors create a “multidimensional field of memory”. [48] Visitors encounter fragments from their own past, rejected from the official institutions of memory, and can engage with them, discuss with the artist, and remember. The unusual collation of objets trouvés, and their metamorphosis into art reverses the role of artefacts as ideological signifiers into objects of critique, satire, and unexpected encounters, reflective of the complex positioning of local histories, narratives, and ideologies within the global context.

Metaphysical Museum (Nenad Bračić)

Metaphysical Museum was founded in 1995 by Nenad Bračić, and it consists of the artist’s works and projects he has realized over the years, including: Photographs 1980–1985, The Tale of Kremzar’s Finds (1988), Sacrifice (1993–1994), The Objects of Unknown Usage (1989), Contributions to the Metaphysical Museum (1995–ongoing), Metaphysical Library, Photo-Cine Equipment (1998–2004), Do You Remember Me (2007), and Chopping Boards. The museum is not dedicated to a certain theme, or the artist’s recollections and memories, as in some of the other museums analysed here. Instead of showcasing a particular set of artefacts within a dedicated space, virtual or real, the museum is comprised of all the works and projects the artist has created, and is a unifying trademark for his diverse output. As Bračić explains: “Since I work with a variety of media, and since this scene generally requires a particular kind of recognition, I institutionalized my whole opus under the term ‘the Metaphysical Museum’.” [49] Created on the level of language, the museum is a marketing tool that is envisioned to help Bračić and his work gain broader recognisability and currency. [50]

Bračić has created a brand for himself and his work that would be recognizable but that would also legitimize his urge to collect, which, as he asserts, is an urge widely present among contemporary artists. [51] Metaphysical Museum, as a brand and also an imaginary institution not linked to a material location, is present wherever and whenever the artist and his work are present as well. A lack of physical space did not prevent Bračić from conceiving a museum with all the institutional perquisites, including a secretary, a spokesperson, a seal, and even a photograph of the building. [52] The museum can exist virtually, as an Internet presentation or website, but also in the artist’s studio, or any other location containing Bračić’s works.

The metaphysical nature of the museum corresponds not just with its immaterial, imaginary form, but also with the artist’s sentiment in creating works; a sentiment of “seeking dreams and constantly creating illusions”. [53] Bračić’s opus is diverse and spans several decades – decades that saw changes in the materials he uses, such as the shift from bricks to wood, and a change in forms, from experiments in photography to interventions with ready-made objects, and the creation of pre-devices as a play with existing forms. These pre-devices, or pre-apparatuses (preaparati in Serbian) as the artist named them, feature in the cycle Photo-Cine Equipment, and resemble in form other already-existing devices, but are fashioned from much more widely available and cheaper materials. The series of pre-apparatuses named Sory includes the rendition of different photo and video cameras in non-standard materials such as bricks, wires, and old wheel frames, giving them a rustic and archaic character. The referential play is emphasized through name tags attached to objects with the name Sory (resembling Sony) embossed on them. A thread clearly visible in Bračić’s work is his interest in cheap found materials and everyday objects, which position his opus in the traditions of Arte Povera and the ready-made.

Nenad Bračić. Object from the series Foto-Cine Equipment, 1999. Photo courtesy of Nenad Bračić

While experimenting with forms and objects has been one of the artist’s defining marks, his other projects show a broader take on the role of art in ‘creating illusions’ and include the use of various art forms in a single work, such as text, photography, and sculpture, in achieving Gesamtkunstwerk. In The Tale of Kremzar’s Finds from 1988, Bračić came up with a story about an archaeological discovery, through which artworks he had created were presented as ancient artefacts and long-lost objects. A similar artistic project exploded on the global art scene with Damien Hirst’s Venice exhibition Treasures from the Wreck of the Unbelievable in 2017. Described as the art for the post-truth world, Hirst’s exhibition was a super-show of tremendous dimensions that raises questions about the value and purpose of art in a highly commercialized art market. [54] Decades prior to Hirst, Bračić had created a narrative of lost objects and forgotten past that he helped bring to light. He conceived the imaginary archaeological site of Kremzar, a neolithic settlement with a dubious history, and created artefacts with strong historical and art historical referential importance. The Kremzar excavations, as he narrates, were started in the 1960s by his amateur archaeologist grandfather. Among the discoveries were a swastika-shaped object with horns from the Bronze Age named Clothing Hook (1990), along with phallus-shaped bronzes, some of them with a rotating swastika or horns on top. [55] The Clothing Hook was created later than Kremzar’s other finds, but is included in the project that evolved over the years. The location of the discoveries was presented via an aerial image of the excavation site, its layout forming a Greek cross whose endpoints are four tombs with phallus-shaped tombstones, creating once again the outline of a swastika. [56] Other objects from Kremzar included Venus figurines and various idols. The finds were accompanied with archaeological documentation, drawings, photos, personal correspondence, news clippings, and even a portrait of the grandfather, all invented by Bračić. [57] While Hirst used famous figures and symbols from mythology and popular culture (including Mickey Mouse), Bračić restrains his imagination to familiar forms that resemble true archaeological finds, avoiding any spectacularization of his work, but engaging in problems of historical interpretation and creation.

Nenad Bračić. Idols from the series The Tale of Kremzar’s Finds, 1988. Photo courtesy of Nenad Bračić

Bračić’s museum, as the verbalized idea of collating all of his work under one banner, functions as a permanent retrospective that is constantly being enriched with new works. It is at the same time both constantly present and absent, as it cannot be visited in one place, though its objects are nevertheless displayed within its metaphysical space and therefore form part of a permanent collection. The relationship between the visitor and the museum is actualized whenever a visitor observes Bračić’s works. The location is not particularly important; it can be a gallery, a museum, or the artist’s studio. It is everywhere where Bračić’s work is present, expanding on the idea of a museum as a spatially fixed location. Just as history cannot be contained within one dominant narrative about the past, but can have many iterations, so can a museum be an imaginary site of personal choices and preferences, where musealization happens in cognition only.

The Rabbit Museum (Nikola Džafo)

One of the most perplexing museums created by an artist is Nikola Džafo’s Rabbit Museum. Exhibited for the first time in 2006 under the title The Rabbit Who Ate a Museum, the collection consists of artworks, various objects, and toys that repeat the motif of a rabbit, which the artist has collected or created over the years. The museum also has an opera piece and a book that accompany the collection. Rabbit Museum, still without a permanent exhibition space, reflects the absurdity, destruction, and excess of the times in which it was created.

Nikola Džafo was one of the leaders of the protest and activist art in Serbia during the 1990s and early 2000s, and one of the founders of the Center for Cultural Decontamination in Belgrade, Led Art collective, Art Clinic project, and Shock Cooperative. His career developed from early provocative paintings, showing the decaying life of social margins and the ubiquity of erotic stimuli in popular culture, shifting towards activist art and use of ice, garbage, hair, and finally white paint as his material. The rabbit, as a motif, sneaked into Džafo’s work while he was part of the art collective Led Art, featuring as an individualistic expression developed in parallel with Džafo’s participation in collaborative actions. Over the years the rabbit motif multiplied to give the considerable number of exhibits from which the museum was finally formed.

The first appearance of a rabbit, a living one displayed in a cage, was at the Art Garden exhibition in Belgrade in 1994, and it became a constant theme present in his subsequent shows and actions, such as In Which Bush Does the Rabbit Lie? (1997), Departure into Whiteness (1999), Public Haircutting (1995–1998), Kunstlager (2000), The Rabbit Who Ate a Museum (2006), Lepus in Fabula (2011), and The Garden of Solstice Secrets (2018). As part of the Departure into Whiteness exhibition, the artist asked his friends and visitors to contribute to the show with their works on the theme of a rabbit. [58] His call to the public and friends led to the accumulation of toys, collages, graphics, drawings, and objects that formed the Rabbit Who Ate a Museum collection, first presented in 2006. [59] Described as a rabbit Wunderkammer, the collection consisting of around 2000 objects is divided into several sections: Ceramic, Wood, Miscellaneous, Velvet, Rubber, Small Plastic, Fabric, Artworks, Metal, and Paper/Book. [60] The collection is enriched with a musical piece, Rabbit Opera, and a book from 2000 – The Rabbit Who Ate a Museum. [61] The rabbit is not just a museum prop, but becomes an active participant in political and social life through actions such as White Rabbit for a Mayor (2004), and has been cast in multiple roles; from intellectual and critic, to cultural worker. [62]

Nikola Džafo. Rabbit Museum, installation view. Photo by Andrea Palašti, courtesy of Nikola Džafo

The exhibition Departure into Whiteness is considered a transformative point in the artist’s career, due to his making a symbolic break with the past by overpainting a selection of his works in white. The interpretation of this gesture can lead in multiple directions, considering the personal and collective moment, the socio-cultural circumstances, and aesthetics. It marks Džafo’s break with his previous work, and is also an exception from the current circumstances and institutions, with disappearance into white being the ultimate liberation from objectivity and form. Džafo’s motto in this period — “ethics before aesthetics” — seems to reach a final visual expression through this erasure. [63] At a time when Yugoslavia was being bombed by NATO, Džafo removed traces of the past, his personal past but also the collective past, and decided on a radical gesture reminiscent of Kazimir Malevich’s suprematist ideas. Malevich described in 1915 how he had reached creativity by transforming himself “in the zero of form”; this annulment of objectivity meant a new beginning in his artistic explorations. [64] The disappearance of Džafo’s paintings and the appearance of a rabbit as the dominant motif is a nucleus through which the Rabbit Museum can be approached and interpreted. “Permanent questions and dilemmas I have been posing about my creative work: How should one confront destruction and senselessness? In evil times to abandon artwork or to react polemically? Ethics or aesthetics? How should one free him/herself from the produced works, collected objects, how to get rid of the ‘garbage’? … [these,] and many others, placed the RABBIT as a metaphor for all the problems and illnesses of our society, local community, but also joys, successes and pleasures” — states Džafo in his explanation of why a rabbit and why a rabbit museum. [65]

The rabbit appeared when it was impossible to continue as things were; ethical dilemmas led to a questioning of artistic practice and its political potential in times of crisis. By moving his past into a whiteness from which a rabbit appeared as a motif, Džafo searched for an alternative set of symbols that would encapsulate the complexities of the times, without reaching for its visual manifestations. Neutral, but also charged with historical, ethical, social, and cultural significance, the rabbit outgrows any attempt to be restrained with a single coherent theory. It is a rabbit from childhood stories and rooms, from historical paintings and modern performances (Albrecht Dürer’s Hare comes to mind as well as Joseph Beuys’ How to Explain Pictures to a Dead Hare), but also from folk beliefs and traditions about life and death, from satires about its sexual libido, and many more. [66] It is finally Džafo’s rabbit who ate a museum; a series of exhibitions, actions, and finally a museum, whose historical, political, and cultural significance is eaten by a rabbit. The rabbit clears the museum of its normative and hegemonic deposits of meaning; they are gobbled up, and leave a space for new inscriptions and art. It is a clear space where one can inscribe and search for meaning through the personal coordinates of experience. It is a play that shows that museums and their meaning come from art and our relation to it; we can decide what art is and what forms a museum, even if it is eaten by a rabbit. It is a field of children’s play, of irony and satire, and a stern political critique as well. It is also ambivalent and undecided, recalling the lack of clear and direct institutional opposition to the official politics of the 1990s. Each visitor can find her/his own rabbit in it and contribute to building the museum’s meaning.

Homuseum (Škart group)

The only museum in this group that had a timespan, physical location, and initially no exhibits (virtual or otherwise) is Homuseum (Domuzej) by Škart group. This museum ‘happened’ in 2012, in the form of an occupy action, when Škart group together with other artists, activists, and students took over the Legacy-Gallery of Milica Zorić and Rodoljub Čolaković. The gallery is an external exhibition space of the Museum of Contemporary Art in Belgrade, and was turned into a space for living and creating art for the period of the Homuseum’s existence. The museum had no exhibits upon its founding, but the artists created art while staying in the gallery. However, the goal in creating this museum lay not in hosting a group of works, but in questioning the inaccessibility of cultural institutions to the public and artists, and an expansion of the understanding of the role of institutions through performative action.

Škart group, present on the Yugoslav and Serbian art scene since the 1990s, developed its practice through combining various artistic expressions, including architecture, music, poetry, fine and applied arts. [67] The group’s early works were experiments in graphics, but soon after the group members started engaging with people — on the streets, in open markets, carnivals, and other spaces of public circulation and gathering. The core of the group is made up of Dragan Protić (Prota) and Đorđe Balmazović (Žole), with the number of other participants changing, depending on the project. The group, or collective as they are also referred to, was founded at the Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade in 1990 with the name Škart (literally ‘scrap, rejects’), taking inspiration from the mistakes they had made in their early graphic works. [68] These mistakes, instead of being seen as negative occurrences, were accepted as markers of a “new system of value” on which the group based its practice. [69]

The new system includes the rejection of divisions between the high and popular or mass art — instead of being observed from a distance, in galleries, museums, or other dedicated public spaces, art is given to the public in forms of leaflets and coupons or involves active participation of the public in the creation and use of art. The actions such as Sadness (1992/1993) or Coupons (1995) happened in markets and streets where the artist duo gave out small-format works to passers-by. Created with modest materials such as cardboard, rope, and paper, these works contained verses and texts that provoked thinking about the current situation in the country and its social implications. Coupons for sadness, love, fear, Sadness of Potential Genealogy, and Sadness of Potential Friendship are some of the works given away, creating an affective community of shared experience that would define Škart’s work over coming years. “All these separated countries, divisions of nationality and ethnicity, are very retrograde … We wanted to form an open, unframed form of collaboration; for resistance requires diversity,” stated Protić in one of his interviews. [70] By sharing their work freely, the artists addressed the issue of social decay, devaluation, and retrograde narratives that framed society in Serbia and much of the Yugoslav region during the war years, as well as the devastating social consequences of such politics. They also problematized the idea that art is to be praised only in spaces prescribed by an art institution.

The group democratized art and made it available and accessible to the widest audiences; the premise that art should be, and is technically perfect was also questioned and abandoned, together with the idea of the artist as an author. Instead, mistakes were accepted as an integral part of art, shifting the consideration of its value beyond aesthetic judgment. Other aspects, such as social engagement, solidarity, and empathic action, gained in primacy, and have been further explored in the group’s later works, such as Embroideries, Horkeškart (a combination of ‘choir’ and the name Škart in Serbian), the installation at the 12th Venice Architecture Biennale, and Poetree (Pesničenje). Housewives, students, and the general public actively participated in a creative process with Škart group. Art thus takes the form of creative action and becomes the property of everyone who participates in it. By including people from various backgrounds in the process of art production, Škart substitutes the idea of the artist as author with that of the artist as communicator; art is not an individual creative expression but a collective action — a format that proliferates in times of crisis. [71]

While eclectic in the choice of art forms and materials, Škart’s poetics also combines various concepts such as “waste, humour, and individual freedom”. [72] This freedom is likewise reflected in the group’s lack of interest in belonging to any institution of art. [73] Instead, the artist duo have engaged broader communities in the artmaking process, and through their works and art actions tried to build a space of alternative existence, values, and understanding. The creation of alternative spaces has been theoretically framed as social production of space, an idea that has been further developed but also criticized over the years. Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space, later accepted by many theorists including art theorists, contributed to the framings of collective art actions. [74] Art thereby becomes a conveyor of meaning beyond the established frames and creates a space for social interaction beyond the formal norms and ideas, often through affirmative social actions as an integral part of an artwork. Škart’s projects could be seen in this light — as a collective action that overcomes divisions and particular interests, and as a specific “architecture of the human relationships”, in Škart’s own words. [75]

Following similar aspirations, Homuseum happened in 2012 from the 28th March to the 9th April. During this period, a group of around thirty participants lived in the gallery space of Legacy-Gallery Zorić Čolaković. In a time when the two major museums in Belgrade — the National Museum and the Museum of Contemporary Art — were not functioning due to reconstruction work, Škart group organized a performative action of living and creating inside an art institution. The action included various engagements, from participation at a conference (the action itself was part of a conference on graphic design in Belgrade), to workshops, debates, concerts, and other forms of creative expressions.

Škart. Homuseum, gallery view, 2012. Photo courtesy of Škart group

The idea, as formulated by Škart group, was to rethink the use of public infrastructure and institutions in times of their passive existence, with no public events or exhibitions happening at the time. The questions of who owns the institutions as a public good, and how they can be reused for creative actions outside of the formal institutional framework, were raised during the action. [76] Instead of waiting for a formal invitation, artists and activists entered the space and turned it into a creative hub, demonstrating that creative action cannot be contained within structural and infrastructural norms. As a home and a museum, the action blurred the lines between artistic and everyday practice, as the artists exhibited at home/museum, and lived in a museum/home. The relationships created between the participants and the institution showed the interconnectedness of the two, and highlighted the art/social action as a model pointing towards the democratization of art institutions.

Musealization of Alternative

The museums presented here are the repository of alternative histories, visual stories, and actions, in contrast to, and created against the practices propagated by the official institutions. Ideated and created on the margins of the dominant cultural course of the time, these projects provide a mirror to the post-socialist restructuring of memory and the visual symbols linked to it. Some of the museums are created as an encompassing concept around artistic practice, such as the Metaphysical Museum. Others are museums of activist engagement, musealized as the activism was happening. Again, the semantic decision infuses the artistic one, creating a museum on the level of language, but also in a concrete space of artistic action. Some of the museums compile objects, photos, and other memorabilia pertinent to the Yugoslav past, and combine them in unexpected ways, transforming ready-made objects into artistic forms. Such objects become the main artefacts of the museums created by artists. They contrast the cultural politics of the time and provide alternative spaces for artistic investigations of forbidden, neglected, or marginalized topics. They are a response by artists to the systemic misuse of culture and cultural institutions in everyday politics and nationalist rhetoric, and the politics of forgetting which was then dominating public discourse.

The Rabbit Museum, Yugomuseum, and the Inner Museum often combine artistic creativity with found objects, re-purposing them or just displaying them in new, and unusual combinations. The urge to collect among artists is not new, and has been present over different times and meridians. One such example is a work by Edson Chagas. He uses found objects in his Found Not Taken project (started in 2008 and ongoing), and creates new narratives by relocating and photographing them in different public situations than those in which they were found. [77] His work emphasizes both personal and collective issues; the urban environment discards and abandons objects and the artist brings the focus back to them, criticizing the economy of mass waste production but also obliteration and marginalization of all kinds. At the same time, he addresses his position as a migrant, first in London and later in Newport, Wales, where he is similarly marginalized and displaced from a familiar context. [78] The examined artists’ museums also reference both personal and collective issues in looking at discarded objects and memories, and find a new location for them inside unofficial museums. These spaces, created aside from any institutional framework, are repositories of not just a past that has been discarded and abandoned, but also of private recollections and examinations. The stories artists create reflect both the collective experience of being in-between two systems, those of socialism and liberal capitalism, and between versions of history. They also reflect the artists’ position as critical observers and internal migrants, who relocate their work from official institutions to private museums.

However, these museums are unique as their material is a combination of found and personal objects, and the artistic intervention is based on either combination of these elements or on the very process of naming. The political in these museums is located both in the artefacts and their location, but also in language. Museums that escaped an official stamp and which exist often only in the artists’ private places or temporarily in galleries and other exhibition spaces, communicate alternative history that is sidelined in order for a new, nationalistic narrative to take the central stage. Being named “museums” through the artists’ decisions, these projects disrupt hierarchies of cultural institutions. By showing that different types of museum can exist outside of the institutional circuit and can be created through personal initiatives, they add to alternative practices by widening the scope of their engagement. Going beyond individual artworks, they engage a wider cultural field and establish different points for the examination of memories and histories.

Artists name their practice, decide which artefact to include, and institutionalize their work in frames reminiscent of traditional institutions but also different from them. The gap between the two positions is a site of activism, critique, and political potential. Being a museum and at the same time not being, having the power to name it a museum, and still be on the margins of cultural events — and even sometimes being included and represented within an official institution — presents the complex position these museums have in relation to art institutions. In his analysis of social and political activism in the Balkans, political and cultural theorist and author Igor Štiks asserts that the examined forms of activist aesthetics could provide “a strong taste of emancipation” for those who participate in them, and challenge the scope of “what can be said, seen, heard and, finally, done”. [79] Similarly, the museums analysed here create a different framework for engaging with institutions and the past, which can provide an emancipatory framework for the future.

The museums are spaces of exiled artefacts and memory which gain agency through institutionalization. By showing that an understanding of the past, and one’s place in it, can still be thought from an alternative position, which can transform itself into an agent through personal decision, and that, following this line of thinking, a personal decision is still one of importance and can create new institutions, these museums present a site of hope. The practices involved did not seek to engage wider communities — in the context of Homuseum, the action only included a limited group of participants — but worked from the domain of individual reflections that invited participation. The illusory nature of authority and sanctioned histories is exposed, and a possible means of how to usurp and resist it is shown. Institutionalization did not overwrite the political potential of these projects. Instead, individual visions and artistic choices gain collective importance through a familiar institutional framework, with shared experiences and memories forging a new site of resistance.

Conclusion

The list of museums created by artists presented in this article is not exhaustive in any sense. While the focus was on the several museums created during the 1990s and early 2000s, there are other examples from this and earlier periods that formed museum-like repositories which could be included for consideration when discussing artistic reflections on sanctioned histories, stories, national ideas, and personal reflections during the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav eras. These museums expanded on the topics of Yugoslav symbolic heritage, memory politics, art history, and the role of institutions, as is the case with Tadej Pogačar’s P.A.R.A.S.I.T.E. Museum, Anti-Museum by Vladimir Dodig Trokut, Kunsthistorisches Mausoleum by Goran Đorđević, and the Museum of Childhood by Vladimir and Milica Perić. There are also artistic projects that reference the institution of the museum in regional art practices, with one of the most well-known examples being Lia Perjovschi’s Knowledge Museum. However, the timeframe for investigation and the limits imposed by the current situation of world pandemic influenced the choices and strategies guiding this article.

The aesthetics of museums addressed here verges on surplus; a surplus of memories, of stories, and politics; a surplus that cannot be contained within the discourse of the everyday and politics as performed by the official institutions and individuals. The residues of the past and present intertwine, mingle, and react, creating a specific world of personal phantasmagorias intersected with public symbols. Some of the museums worked as museums; they had an exhibition space, working hours, and guided tours. Others were created in the domain of language, imagination, and performance, without a fixed space or any other elements of an institution. However, the appropriation of the term museum for these projects creatively positions them in dialogue with the meanings of a museum, its function as a repository of artefacts, and an active participant in the creation of national narratives and culture. These museums investigate and criticize through creative acts; they disclose stories and ideas; show what was erased or forgotten, and engage with the realities we live in. They also serve as private reflections on identity and artistic practice.

It is important, regarding the contemporary moment with its increased calls for the democratization and decolonization of knowledge and higher education, of institutions, and other domains responsible for creation of collective narratives and mythologies, to look back at these museums as individual responses to restrictions of all kinds, political and cultural oppression, and conflicts. They contribute to the plurality of practices, ideas, and positions, but also stand for exemplary forms of artistic action against limiting institutional possibilities. They deploy institutional and artistic elements which prevent their reading as pure artworks, art institutions, or performances. They do not belong fully to either of these categories, so to understand them it is necessary to go beyond the established definitions, and to look for the spaces of their interaction, as sites of political potential.

Nor should the ethical aspect of these museums be missed. In times of turmoil and the devaluation of institutions, artists took it on themselves to show the democratic potential and critical capacity the institution of a museum can have, if it dares to. The past cannot be erased, and it will resurface one way or another, perhaps in the forms of complex sculptural works or surreal combinations of found objects. It will remain present, even if only in art. Combining individual and collective experience, the museums took over the role official museums could not bear, due to political pressures and compromised institutional freedom. Irony, parody, cynical reflection on national myths, activism, and other forms of critical engagement mark these museums. Being museums but also artworks, they broaden the scope of understanding of creative limits and institutional borders, leaving neither undisturbed.

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Samary C. The Social Stakes of the Great Capitalist Transformation in the East // Debatte, № 17 (1), 2009. P. 5–39.
Škart // http://www.skart.rs/.
Štiks I. Activist Aesthetics in the Post-Socialist Balkans // Third Text, № 24 (4–5), 2020. P. 461–479.
Stokić J. Pejzaž Mrđanna Bajića (ili: kako prevazići provincijalizam malih nacija) // Veličković V. et al. (eds.) Mrdjan Bajić : Reset : Srpski paviljon = Padiglione Serbo = Serbian Pavilion. Belgrade: Cicero, 2007. P. 38–49.
Szreder K. Productive Withdrawals: Art Strikes, Art Worlds, and Art as a Practice of Freedom // e-flux Journal, № 87, 2017, https://www.eflux.com/journal/87/168899/productive-withdrawals-artstrikes-art-worlds-and-art-as-a-practice-of-freedom/.
Timotijević S. Muzej u senci / Shadow Museum // Art magazin, October 14, 2008, http://www.artmagazin.info/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=808&Itemid=35.
Vukadinović D. Nenad Bračić — Kremzarski nalaz, izgubljeni svetovi 4001 p.n.e. // Moment: časopis za vizuelne medije, № 19, 1990. P. 81–88.
Yildiz S. The Evolution of Škart, the Serbian Art Collective Forging Communities through War and Peace // Calvert Journal, July 7, 2020, https://www.calvertjournal.com/articles/show/11936/skart-artcollective-serbia-community-war-and-peace.
– Izbacivanje Radova Dragana Papića // Marka Žvaka video, 4:43, 2007, https://markazvaka.net/izbacivanje-radova-draganapapica/.
– Unutrašnji muzej Dragana Papića // Marka Žvaka video, 6:00, 2007, https://markazvaka.net/unutrasnji-muzej-draganapapica/.

 

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moma: the modern movement in italy, 1954

Perhaps all writing of history presumes an absence or lack, which is one of the conditions that compel the historian to write. One form of absence resides in the object of study itself. It is an absence that, qualitatively, may be meaningful and crucial, or perhaps ancillary, anecdotal, or arcane. It may be total: the object may be previously unknown or mostly unknown (the historian’s dream come true). The object of study may be incomplete or may have been incomplete, it might have been corrupted, or perhaps its inherent attributes were imperceivable before the moment of writing. Another kind of absence emanates from outside the object of study, arising from a perceived lacuna in a discourse, discipline, or practice. The object may have been miscategorized or misidentified. External factors may have led it to be intentionally or unintentionally overlooked, underappreciated, or misvalued. Forgetting and amnesia play a role in external absences, as does the possibility that the object was subject to suppression, exclusion, erasure—an act of epistemic violence. The first kind of absence implies that the act of writing history provides missing information, whereas the second suggests the correcting of an error, omission, obfuscation, or prejudice. Of course, the distinction between these two absences is artificial, insofar as both require an author to establish the nature of the absence that the writing of history reveals or redresses, in relation to which she establishes a perspective or method—keeping in mind that perspective and method (systems of knowledge, models of reading, ideology, author positions, etc.) are never neutral or objective and may be the reason for the absence.

In addition to the above incomplete, myopic schema, there are at least two other forms of absence that complicate the historian’s task: uncertain absences and non-problematic absences. In the former, the reason for or nature of the absence is unclear, even after digging, studying, and researching. The object of study itself proves mute or opaque, sometimes to such a degree that one can only infer its nature by looking at its effects (or lack of effects) on other objects or on its context (discourse). It is similar to the way in which astronomers study black holes by examining the matter swirling around them. Uncertainty still suggests a method: it means writing around and adjacent to the object of study rather than about it, for there may be no way to approach it directly in a substantive manner. Non-problematic absences haunt every writer—the reason for the lack of appreciation for or awareness of an object may be that it is not interesting or barely affects the discourses around it. It unsettles the writer because she may not recognize its unimportance, or worse, she thinks it is important, only to find out that no one else agrees. The challenge of non-problematic and uncertain absences is that they can be confused and they can overlap. There is a danger in the compulsion to write when the absence is uncertain or non-problematic; it can lead to a tendency to inflate or overdetermine the object. On the other hand, if the uncertainty or problematic nature of the object are left open and made transparent, the compulsion to write remains with the author, and the writing of history may open to unforeseen readings.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The 1954 Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) exhibition The Modern Movement in Italy, curated by Ada Louise Huxtable, is a veritable black hole, and it is likely a problematic object. [1] Huxtable is best remembered as the New York Times’s prolific architecture critic, a title that she held from 1963 to 1982. She is credited with establishing architectural criticism as a journalistic field in its own right in America, and she is regarded as one of the finest critics of the twentieth century, penning countless reviews both laudatory and biting. Huxtable authored a dozen books, including editions of her collected writings. [2] She received numerous awards, the highest of which was the inaugural Pulitzer Prize for Criticism in 1970. [3] She got her start at the Museum of Modern Art: Philip Johnson, director of the Department of Architecture and Design, hired her in 1946 as an assistant curator while she was studying architectural history at New York University. She worked in the Department, contributing to various exhibition designs, until 1950, when she earned a Fulbright Grant to study architecture in Italy. She spent a year abroad based out of the Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia (IUAV), visiting buildings and meeting architects, engineers, and planners. [4] It was a critical time: reconstruction was in full swing, as massive government programs (heavily funded with Marshall Plan monies) aimed at the nation-wide housing crisis as well as rebuilding Italy’s industry. As the fledgling democracy took shape, so too did domestic political battles and international Cold War politics, which in Italy were especially intense given the power of the Italian Communist Party and the American government’s desire to blunt its electoral success. Despite the challenges of reconstruction amidst the creation of a new political order, architects produced provocative buildings, urban designs, and products for the home and office. Huxtable could not have chosen a more fascinating moment to be in Italy, or to install an exhibition at MoMA.

The 1940s and 1950s at MoMA were an intense two decades, hosting landmark shows that transformed architectural culture. Built in USA (1944), curated by Elizabeth Bauer Mock, surveyed trends in American architecture, emphasizing material technique and contemporary lifestyle. Built in USA was a counterpoint to Johnson and Hitchcock’s doctrinaire Modern Architecture exhibit of 1932, as well as the vanguardism of shows regarding Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe, European luminaries, and the Bauhaus, and the subtly insecure tone of exhibitions aimed at forging a lineage for an explicitly American approach to modern architecture, such as the survey of H.H. Richardson’s opus. [5] The follow-up exhibition Built in USA: Post-War Architecture (1953) was just as influential, charting, with a kind of triumphalism, eclectic yet undeniably high-quality American approaches to mid-century architecture that were no longer self-conscious and were ready for international export. [6] Conversely, shows dedicated to Buckminster Fuller and to surveys of west coast architecture demonstrated a forward-looking, focused assessment of important domestic figures and developments, while exhibits of Frank Lloyd Wright’s work, famously excluded from Modern Architecture, stood apart from everyone and everything. The 1941 Organic Design in Home Furnishings show, as well as the Good Design program based on eponymous exhibitions staged almost annually from 1950 to 1955, introduced Americans to new lifestyles that married progressive approaches to the home with new materials and techniques. [7] Full-scale demonstration houses by Marcel Breuer, Buckminster Fuller, Gregory Ain, as well as a Japanese house designed by Junzo Yoshimura, all erected in the MoMA garden, allowed the public to physically place themselves inside of design. International retrospectives made crucial contributions to the survey of global architectural trends. In addition to monographic shows, exhibits and publications included Brazil Builds in 1943, Two Cities (Rio and Chicago) in 1947, and Architecture of Japan in 1955. [8]

Model of Marcel Breuer’s house in the MoMA garden. “House in the Museum Garden MoMA” exhibition. Photo: Ezra Stoller © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Italy was the focus of two important exhibitions. First was Twentieth-Century Italian Art in 1949, curated by Alfred Barr, Jr. and James Thrall Soby. [9] The epic show codified Futurism’s place in the genetic lineage of modern art (corresponding to Barr’s famous 1936 diagram) while expanding the survey of Italian tendencies to include pittura metafisica, Novecento, and Italian realism. Barr and Soby traveled throughout Italy to study the scene, acquire loans, and make purchases to expand MoMA’s sparse Italian collection. This crucial exhibition was one of many exchanges between MoMA and Italy during this period, which intensified after the Italian Communist Party’s defeat in the 1948 elections, resulting in a greater commitment by the Department of State to using international cultural programs as an instrument of Cold War strategy. [10] Three years later, Olivetti: Design in Industry cut a cross section through the industrial firm’s two decades of work in the factory town of Ivrea, emphasizing the manner in which Olivetti elided design, engineering, manufacturing, industrial objects, and architecture. [11] While the exhibition failed to capture how design was entangled with Adriano Olivetti’s center-left postwar politics and the activities of the Movimento di Comunità, the show launched the narrative of Italy as a progressive nation whose design and home products were synonymous with quality, imagination, and fashion. It anticipated the boom economico and foreshadowed the mid-century global obsession with Italian design.

Fresh off her travels, Huxtable returned to an institution that had begun to craft a narrative The Modern Movement in Italy because little exists: save for a positive review in the New York Times, a descriptive featurette in the magazine Contract Interiors, and an essay by Huxtable in Art Digest (where she was a contributing writer and editor), it was ignored by the press. [12] There were no conferences, lectures, or symposia. Conceived as part of an education program of traveling exhibits organized by Porter McCray, director of the International Program that aimed at extending MoMA’s expertise and resources to local museums and universities, The Modern Movement in Italy circulated to nine institutions from the east to west coast, as well as two in Canada—none left a trace. [13] Unlike other exhibits at MoMA, it birthed no books, although Huxtable employed her research in her 1960 monograph on engineer Pier Luigi Nervi. More perplexing is the sparse documentation in the Museum of Modern Art archives: only a few photographs, a checklist, and a press release. The exhibition is not noted in any detail in MoMA’s Bulletins, which usually highlighted retrospectives, even of secondary import. It is telling that in 1964, when a comprehensive survey was undertaken to document the history of the Department of Architecture and Design, Huxtable’s show was left out. [14] Unlike curators such as Elizabeth Mock and Janet Henrich O’Connell, Huxtable is excluded from surveys of women’s contributions to MoMA. [15] To all intents and purposes, The Modern Movement in Italy was a non-event, registering no impact on architectural discourse or MoMA’s legacy. However, a close reading of the exhibition and its context, which focuses as much on what was excluded, may explain why it did not resonate, why it likely served its purpose, and why it was symptomatic of historical, cultural, and political uncertainties that haunted Italian architecture in the 1950s.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

The Modern Movement in Italy was almost entirely image-based, consisting of enlarged photographs of buildings, drawings, and domestic products. The pictorial panels were complemented by a handful of pieces of flatware and glassware, along with sculpture drawn from the Museum’s collection, including a bronze equestrian by Marino Marini as well as Umberto Boccioni’s Development of a Bottle in Space (1912) and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space (1913) which Alfred Barr, Jr. acquired in 1948 from Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s widow. [16] However, it is unclear how the sculptures related to the exhibition content, particularly given the absence of Futurist or Novecento architecture or drawings. Rather than tracing Italian modernism’s origin to the Liberty style or Futurism, Huxtable begins in the mid-1930s, claiming that it was only then that the language of the International Style transformed into something definably Italian. [17] She organized her show into five sections: an introductory space which surveyed pre- and postwar architecture; “The Early Work,” which situated the paragon of Italian modernism’s formal vocabulary in the refined Comasco Rationalism of Giuseppe Terragni, Pietro Lingeri, Cesare Cattaneo, and Luigi Figini and Gino Pollini; “Architecture and the State,” a cursory selection of realized works and competition designs for the Fascist regime; the oddly named “The Italian Contributions,” which formed the bulk of the show and surveyed the work of Nervi, the Olivetti Corporation, exhibition design, and commercial and retail architecture; and a miscellaneous collection of “Postwar Work” and “Design.” Despite this structure, the categorizing of projects is at times unclear: Terragni’s Casa del Fascio di Como is placed in “The Early Work” section rather than with works for the State, while the selection of home and office products ranged from glassware to sports cars, without offering a means of understanding their commonalities beyond being Italian. Juxtaposing design objects with architectural masterworks epitomized Ernesto Rogers’s theorem “from the spoon to the city,” which meant that, beyond buildings, Italian architectural practice includes extending taste and quality (i.e., design) to every scale of human life, but it is unclear whether MoMA’s audience understood this message. [18]

Giuseppe Terragni. Casa del Fascio di Como. C. 1936

Huxtable’s selections are highly consistent, bordering on blinkered. The language of Italian modernism was made explicit through Figini and Pollini’s demonstration house built for the 1933 Triennale di Milano, Cattaneo’s palazzina in Cernobbio, and a Milanese housing complex by Terragni and Lingeri. The Como Casa del Fascio was afforded more images than any other building, positioning it as the apotheosis of northern Rationalism. Huxtable’s choices for representing regime architecture are perplexing: Gardella’s tuberculous treatment facility, the Unione dei lavoratori dell’industria in Como by Catteneo and Lingeri, the unrealized Brera Art School by Figini, Pollini, Terragni and Lingeri, and designs by BBPR, as well as by Albini, Gardella, Romano, and Palanti for the Esposizione Univerale Roma of 1942. These selections misrepresent the scope of Fascist building programs and the Party’s instrumentalizing of modernist aesthetics. Nervi’s works and the Olivetti complex comprise the heart of the show, represented through a dozen designs that depict an array of Nervi’s experiments and offer a comprehensive view of Olivetti’s aspiration for a humane architecture, city, and workplace. The exhibition included images from the 1951 Triennale di Milano as well as works by Franco Albini, and Angelo Bianchetti and Cesare Pea, all three of whose schemes for commercial interiors appear. Postwar buildings shown included housing complexes by Figini and Pollini, the new Roma Termini, a market by Gaetano Minnucci, and a thin-shell concrete market in Pescia designed by Giuseppe Gori, Leonardo Ricci, Leonardo Savioli, Emilio Brizzi, and Enzo Gori. Two memorials conclude the exhibition: the delicate frame of the Monumento ai caduti nei campi nazisti (Monument to the victims of the Nazi camps) designed by BBPR, and the floating monolith of the Fosse Ardeatine—a memorial to Romans murdered by Nazis during the city’s occupation—designed by Mario Fiorentino, Giuseppe Perugini, Nello Aprile, and Cino Calcaprina.

Huxtable’s approach to establishing the lines of Italian Modernism is doctrinaire: she asserts that it was only through a conscious break with Italian traditions that a “mature” architecture took hold. [19] Notwithstanding the press release claiming that the show features Huxtable’s original research, the images that she used are almost all iconic photographs that had been published in Casabella, Domus, Architettura, and Quadrante. Nearly all of the pre-war works are found in Alberto Sartoris’s atlas Gli elementi dell’architettura funzionale, the third edition of which, published in 1941, undoubtedly served as a reference for Huxtable. [20] By declaring Terragni, Lingeri, Cattaneo, and Figini and Pollini the leading visionaries of the interwar era, Huxtable privileges the most polemical experiments of the 1930s as the nadir from which postwar modernism must be evaluated. In fact, with the exception of Roma Termini and the Fosse Ardeatine, all of the architecture exhibited is from the north and east coast of Italy. The enormous body of regime architecture is absent, as are crucial works including the Florence train station, progressive buildings constructed for the New Towns and the vacation colonies, and the Roman post offices by Mario Ridolfi and Adalberto Libera. Huxtable excludes architecture employing vernacular materials such as stone or wood in favor of buildings surfaced in stucco and smooth stone (the Fosse Ardeatine being the exception). Notwithstanding Nervi’s structural bravado, the expressive forms and structural patterns of which (Huxtable suggests) show an ornamental, decorative approach to concrete, Huxtable chose the most abstract examples of Italian design, featuring simple volumes, orthogonal composition, and relentless structural frames. She even describes the postwar departure from the geometric rigor of prewar work as “stimulating and disturbing” for its diversity, although she shows no buildings that illustrate her contention. [21] By highlighting the most compositionally inventive buildings, emphasizing large-scale housing as well as institutional and transportation buildings, Huxtable imposes the legacy of a narrowly defined Rationalism on a narrower selection of postwar projects to create the impression of a formal and aesthetic continuity that was now entering an uncertain phase.

Pier Luigi Nervi. Municipal Stadium, Florence. C. 1939 © Pier Luigi Nervi Project, Brussels

The selections can be partly attributed to Huxtable’s residency at IUAV. Just before her arrival, the school’s rector Giuseppe Samonà had begun assembling an extraordinary faculty: urbanist Luigi Piccinato, architect and designer Franco Albini, urbanist Giovanni Astengo, architect Ignazio Gardella, and historian Bruno Zevi. “Venice School” architects Albini and Gardella feature prominently in The Modern Movement in Italy. Despite his predilections against rationalism and his curious theories of organicism, Zevi’s influence on Huxtable was significant: in addition to introducing her to his history of modernism, published in 1950, he encouraged her to see architecture as the art of space. [22] However, the most critical experience for Huxtable appears to have been the 1951 Triennale di Milano. If the 1947 Triennale, with its focus on housing, economics, and material experimentation, had an urgent, essential tone, it was the 1951 Triennale that broached the topic of reconciliation between postwar democratic Italy and the Fascist entanglements with prewar modernism. In addition to installations that returned architecture to fundamental, transhistorical issues—form, symbolic proportion, light, space, and the human being as the measure of all things—the patrimony of architects who did not survive the war (Terragni, Edoardo Persico, Raffaelo Giolli, and Pagano) was reassessed in the context of the “political difficulties” that cast a shadow over modernism and the ethical obligations of architects. [23] As Ernesto Nathan Rogers later put it, the question of “continuity or crisis?”—would the postwar period require a break with the symbolism, abstraction, and polemics of the interwar era that made architecture so instrumental for the Fascist Party’s program, or could modernism be recuperated and redirected toward democratic, human ends—required looking backward and looking inward. [24] Given that many modernists did survive the war, all of whom had been members of the Fascist Party, and insofar as the monumentalist excesses of the late 1930s and early 1940s offered no viable architectural language for the new democracy, Italian architects during the 1950s struggled with uncertainty about the way forward.

Surveys published in 1954 and 1955 that coincide with Huxtable’s exhibition demonstrate the challenge of reframing Italian design amidst the drive to historicize Fascism. Paolo Nestler’s Neues Bauen in Italien lionizes the Rationalists as engaged in intellectual combat for the renovation of Italian architecture against regressive traditionalists, but concludes that Rationalism for all its strengths neither evolved a uniquely Italian modernism, nor did it vanquish the historicizing tendencies genetic to Italian culture. The images in his book are distant and cold, objectifying buildings to emphasize formal vocabularies and chiaroscuro effects. [25] Carlo Pagani’s Architettura Italiana Oggi begins by lamenting the “political frame” that had been laid over prewar architecture; he then, however, argues that the Rationalists produced high-quality designs that nonetheless failed to improve on their European precedents: instead of being grasped, the opportunity created by the Rationalists slipped away as their increasingly shrill rhetoric linked modernism to Italian tradition in an effort curry favor with the Fascist regime. Focusing on building types and employing images depicting relaxed domestic lifestyles, Pagani’s softer approach to Italian modernism aimed at moving beyond politics rather than asking hard questions. [26] G.E. Kidder-Smith’s 1955 book Italia Costruisce evaluates twentieth-century Italy with an anthropological eye, readily embracing contrasts between abstract forms, material textures, and vernacular profiles. His eclectic survey of buildings and diverse selection of imagery, including urban scenes, landscapes, and public events, situate modern architecture in the climatic and cultural context of Italy. His emphasis on people and place as that which unifies Italian architecture reflects the “continuity” ideology promoted by Rogers, who penned the book’s introduction. [27] All three authors marginalize or even expurge the classicist, monumental projects of the 1930s. However, what Pagani’s and Kidder-Smith’s books demonstrate, and what is absent Huxtable’s show, was the growing use of vernacular forms, local materials, and indigenous tectonics to impart a sense of immediacy and realism, the rise of the Neoliberty style with its eclectic and occasionally medieval allusions, and theories of “preexisting conditions” and the poetics of a sometimes refined, sometimes modest, humble historicism. [28] Taken together, these tendencies underline that the answer to the question “Continuity or discontinuity?” was in favor of the former—in favor of a continuity that could incorporate contradictions, disagreements, and ambiguities, so that architectural culture could move forward while skirting hard questions. Given that nearly every leading architect in the 1950s had been a Fascist Party member or had grown up under the only political system that they had ever known, the incorporation of uncertainties and ambiguities made “continuity” professionally appealing and intellectually expedient.

Installation view of the exhibition “The Modern Movement in Italy” at MoMA. 1954. Photo: Oliver Baker © The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York

Whereas this struggle is not overtly depicted in The Modern Movement in Italy, perhaps because Huxtable saw only the first act of a long, complex drama, there is a politics to her selections which reflects some understanding of the rewriting of interwar history that was underway in Italy. Indeed, a simplified variation of the continuity thesis framed her exhibition: “Fine decorative sense, feeling for color, material and pattern, and willingness to experiment and invent have characterized the Italian contribution to postwar architecture and design. This exhibition demonstrates that these qualities stem from a logical and continuing growth during the past quarter century.” [29] However, to focus on her aesthetically sanitized and politically bleached exhibition misunderstands the politics of her show, which is best understood through what is absent. Huxtable’s installation purges architects whose work was tempered by overt allusions to classicism and especially anyone too close to the Fascist Party. She characterizes the Rationalists as victims of Roman academicism which by the 1940s held a “dictatorship” over architectural culture. The most glaring exclusions of architects who were instrumental in the formulation of prewar modernism are of Adalberto Libera, who tarnished his reputation with his design for the partially realized 1942 xenophobic and antisemitic Mostra della Razza (Exhibition on Race), and Luigi Moretti, who was a Fascist deputy and participated in the Republic of Salò, earning him jail time after the war. Some lacunae are difficult to explain, such as Carlo Mollino and Gio Ponti, and the omission of essential Rationalist architects such as Giuseppe Pagano, Mario Ridolfi, and Alberto Sartoris (perhaps the most important Rationalist theorist) is even more perplexing. Other absences reflect Cold War politics: center-left socialist architects feature prominently among the postwar work, but the exhibition includes no designs by architects who were members of or sympathetic toward the Italian Communist Party.

The mission of the Fulbright Foundation, which funded Huxtable’s studies, was to further international educational exchanges that would promote American values and perspectives abroad, while introducing scholars from other countries to the cultural offerings of the United States. While the Foundation was not easily instrumentalized in a direct manner as a propaganda tool, it nonetheless aligned with the US foreign policy goal of encouraging cross-cultural dialogues to counter Soviet propaganda. [30] Monies flowing into the Museum of Modern Art similarly sought to encourage international exchanges that would bolster America’s stature. The Modern Movement in Italy was one of many exhibitions funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Foundation, whose donations to MoMA sought “to encourage the exchange of art exhibitions between the United States and other countries.” [31] As historian Paolo Scrivano notes, Italo-American dialogues around architecture and design made extensive use of exhibitions and publications to build political and cultural bridges. MoMA exhibitions, such as Built in USA were restaged in Italy, while American agencies funded publications, programs, and initiatives related to reconstruction and the reorganization of the architectural profession. Whereas these efforts reflect the aspiration to encourage a liberal, democratic, postwar global order rooted in knowledge, debate, and culture, they never ran afoul of the agenda of blunting Soviet expansion. [32] Although there is no evidence that Huxtable consciously excluded communist architects from The Modern Movement in Italy, their presence, given the order of the world in 1954, would have been as problematic as that of fascists such as Libera or Moretti.

The single-mindedness of The Modern Movement in Italy can be understood as offering an architectural primer that established ground rules for assessing how postwar architects were reconciling the intertwined legacy of Fascism and modernism. Like Nestler’s, Pagani’s, and Kidder-Smith’s surveys, those ground rules began by deciding what and who to exclude for political and discursive reasons. In this regard, this body of work is less about modernism as an object of study and more about the postwar political context of that object. Nestler and Pagani approach the question from a domestic Italian perspective, and both acknowledge the political problems of Fascism in order to quickly move past them. Kidder-Smith and Huxtable view Italy from without, the former adopting an anthropological approach and the latter an art historical one, and both American writers also hasten to set Fascism aside. They all reach the same conclusion: the quality of Italian modernism, while never reaching its full potential, was too significant to be diminished by politics, whereas politics proved much easier to erase. On the other hand, The Modern Movement in Italy demonstrates the many modes in which American political and cultural efforts operated at home and abroad. It was never intended to be a massive retrospective: instead, it was crafted as one of many efforts organized by MoMA, using funds dedicated to encouraging transnational exchanges in order to reinforce geopolitical agendas. Given that the show was designed as an instrument of education rather than a critical retrospective of Italian architecture, Huxtable’s curation takes on a different light.

Curating can sometimes be understood as an art of exclusion—an art that is as much about technique as it is about communication and politics. If read in the context of Ada Louise Huxtable’s storied career, her selections for The Modern Movement in Italy are myopic: she misrepresents the 1930s and addresses none of the pressing social and human issues that were churning Italian society in 1954. In the context of the history of MoMA her show deserves better than to be entirely forgotten, but perhaps merits little more than a footnote or a few sentences. Huxtable’s exhibition is more meaningfully understood in the context of the postwar international stocktaking of Italian modernism. The Modern Movement in Italy coincided with a moment that was both fecund and fraught. It was fecund because, in a few short years between 1949 and 1955, there were countless retrospectives, exhibitions, and books reevaluating modernism’s legacy and its uncertain postwar trajectory. It was fraught because the field was oversaturated and therefore hard to stand out from. The nuances and uncertainties of Italian postwar architecture did not translate easily into the straightjacket of an exhibition.

The issue in the postwar stocktaking of Italian modernism was whether this movement had traits and characteristics of intrinsic value that could serve as the basis for a continued postwar modernism, free from the taint of Fascism. This stocktaking, which addressed both domestic and international audiences, always involved politically driven choices of what was to be excluded, forgotten, or erased. Unlike Germany, where much architecture was destroyed, most of Italy’s fascist-era buildings remained standing after the war. Publications, histories, and exhibitions became the chief means, through curation as exclusion, of constructing alternative histories and narratives that diminished, marginalized, or recast these monuments and architectures even as they continued to be used as functional buildings. Huxtable’s exhibition, with its limitations and distortions, underlines how the politics of continuity required a parallel program of erasure and forgetting, one that, for all its uncertainty, proved to be convenient, instrumental, and, indeed, essential, in both Italy and America.

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the programmed architecture of leonardo mosso

Addressing a congress of architects in 1963, the Professor of Turin Polytechnic University, Leonardo Mosso,  declared: “Unfortunately, we must state that at this time there is no existing architectural culture”. [1] Mosso would later draw a distinction between “culture” and “ac-culturation” and would argue that the former is often replaced by the latter when what is implemented in the cultural field is not the creative will of the people, but that of a select few, whose will is imposed on the majority. [2]

If, in the 1960s, there was no architectural culture, there was certainly a tradition. From the 1960s onwards the thought and the work of Mosso, who was an artist and theorist as well as an architect, entered into a complex and interesting relationship with the concepts of tradition and the avant-garde on the threshold of Peter Bürger’s Theory of the Avant-Garde and the closely related ideas of Manfredo Tafuri. I will examine Mosso’s concepts of structural design and sustainable programmed architecture, as embodied in museum and urbanistic projects, through the prism of their relationship to a range of architectural, cultural and scientific traditions.

Leonardo Mosso, Gianfranco Cavaglià. Exhibition “Another Italy in the Banners of Workers. Symbols and Culture from the Unification of Italy to the Advent of Fascism”. Turin, 1981

Italian rationalism

The first tradition of relevance to Mosso is that of rationalist architecture, specifically of Italian rationalism, which faded into the shadows at the end of the 1930s, oppressed by fascist monumentalism, but still lingered on in the post-War years as a memorial to a future that was at once impossible and annihilated, symbolized by the Monument to the Victims of Concentration Camps created in a Milan cemetery by the Italian architectural group BBPR in 1946. Apart from its literal purpose, the Monument can be read as homage to ideals that were not destined to come true in principle (especially if viewed, not even from the 1960s, but from the disillusionment with utopias that ensued in the 1970s). Since the 1930s, pure rationalism had been criticized as an expression of liberal European culture that was incapable of dialogue with reality. [3] But its formal language would leave an imprint on the architecture of Mosso, whose career began in the early 1950s in the studio of his father, the futurist and rationalist Nicola Mosso. Father and son together designed the Turin church Gesù Redentore (1954–1957), with its clear reminiscences of the mathematically determined architecture of the Cartesian Guarino Guarini and his Chapel of the Holy Shroud, also in Turin.

BBPR. Monument to the Dead in the Concentration Camps at the Germany Cimitero Monumentale, Milan. 1946

The visual cues of Mosso’s architecture have a clear affinity with such 20th century rationalists as Franco Albini and especially Edoardo Persico. Mosso weaves a new musculature of semiological theory and critique of capitalism onto the familiar skeleton-grid, transforming the structure into a self-governing organism that opposes the absolute rule of the architect. In his 1969 Manifesto of Direct Architecture, Mosso sought “to overcome the violence of architects and come to a direct architecture, to overcome the violence of power and come to direct democracy.” [4] Other manifestos of programmed architecture, notably “Self-Generation of Form and the New Ecology”, [5] would come later. But their main principles were already set out in one of Mosso’s first independent projects, the Chapel for the Artist’s Mass, built in 1961–1963, which survives only in photographs. [6] The Chapel used a modular architecture of geometrical shapes reduced to their simplest form. In a style similar to that of Edoardo Persico, Mosso places an image (of the Madonna by the artist Carlo Rapp) in one of the modules. (It is interesting to note that Persico himself, in his 1933 article, “Italian Architects” had declared: “We believe that Italian rationalism is dead”). [7] The face of the Madonna, inscribed in a square, appears highly fragmentary. Judged by the standard of altar images, and in combination with the framework that defines the wall surface and holds the image, the effect is close to an Orthodox iconostasis, where the contours of the painted body often seem to support the frame. The other modules of the Chapel are empty and transparent (purified, like the elements of language in structuralism, which was a base theory for the 1960s and, in particular, for Mosso) and what knits the structure together is their linkage – a nodal point or joint. From the Artist’s Chapel onwards the development of this joint was the key task of Mosso’s work. The basis of the universal “elastic” joint, which holds the structure, is a sliding mechanism of elements fastened together with compression straps. In other, later models, there is a void at the centre of the joints; at their ends there are metal rings, which allow free rotation of the structure. [8] Numerous experiments that Mosso carried out with colleagues and students (teamwork was fundamental to his practice) produced a theory of the “virtual” joint, where virtuality is an almost philosophical concept [9] of ​​multidirectional elements and limitless possible linkages.

Leonardo Mosso. Cappella della messa dell’artista. 1961–1963

Mosso calls these regulated connections “post-Cartesian”, which implies the preservation in his world system of rationalism and a mechanistic philosophy, but with two important provisos. In the first place, the void, which Descartes rejected, is admitted and, moreover, takes precedence over substance and is the bearer of the functions, with which Mosso wants to endow his architecture. Due to the entropic nature of the joints proposed by Mosso, subsequent modifications to the structure re-record those made previously and cannot be undone, [10] leaving the trace of each person who influenced its transformation, but not fixing it in a stable state. Each iteration is conditioned by others in this sequence, but is associated with them only by memory (“The memory of the computer for a programmed city formed directly by its inhabitants” is one of Mosso’s “margin slogans” to his article on self-generation of form). [11] The second, equally important proviso of Mosso’s Cartesianism is rejection of the antinomy between mind and body, which is the mainstay of Descartes’s system. As Mosso declared in 1963: there is no “irreparable conflict” in the relationship between mind and body, any more than there is a conflict between idealism and positivism. [12] For Mosso the ultimate task of such a structure was the transfer of control from architect to users and elimination of the contradiction between man as subject and as object.

“Madonna” by Carlo Rapp in the Cappella della messa dell’artista. 1961–1963

Mosso’s rethinking of Cartesianism – enriched, as will be seen below, by cybernetics – involves the elimination of antinomies, making the human being into the subject of architecture and enabling the emergence of a new forms of social and spatial organization, “from the bottom up”, entailing a crisis of elitism. In Mosso’s own words: “This inversion, if carried to its logical conclusion, would bring the notion of ‘intellectual’ and ‘expert’ to a severe crisis, turning it from the function of a component in a directing elite, which always somehow tries to direct people even when its tendencies are socialist, into that of effective service for popular construction.” [13]

The transition from statics to dynamics represents another task: the limitlessness of formal transformation is identical with the variability of the scenarios of social transformation, which can be carried out by the same people. All of these principles were behind the “Commune of Culture” project of programmed architecture, which was Mosso’s entry in 1971 to the design competition for the future Centre Pompidou in Paris. What Mosso envisaged was an architectural and urbanistic organism controlled by a collective (a community) and developing thanks to structural processes in its cells, each of which contains the possibility of the most various configurations.

Leonardo Mosso. Commune of Culture. 1971. Courtesy Alain-Marie Markarian, Centre Pompidou

Structural and semiological approach

Mosso equates the role of an architect with that of a linguist, who reveals certain mechanisms (the linguist in language, the architect in buildings) instead of describing the possibilities of an element’s functioning. [14] Put in linguistic terms: the basis of syntactical structures in a language is not the component (which is intentionally treated as inexpressive and devoid of a priori meaning), but what links them – the “joint”. [15] Mosso’s idea is that these mechanisms come into the hands of users and are activated by them, because architecture is the least autonomous sphere of ​​culture and society. This is the new tradition of structural-semiology, which was taking hold in the 1960s and which the architect encountered and began to work with at its origins (unlike his encounter with the established discourse of Italian rationalism).

In the 1970s the publicist and anti-fascist activist Franco Antonicelli asked Leonardo Mosso to work on a project for the Museum of the Resistance (the architect had already designed several museum and exhibition projects by that time). [16] Creation of the Museum in the Palazzo Carignano in Turin occupied Mosso from 1974 until 1977. The idea [17] was to divide the Museum  into three parts: a first part that the designers called “symbolic” or introductory; a second consisting of a gallery with exhibits, the “Corridoio dei passi perduti” (Corridor of lost steps); and a third part offering a multimedia centre for research and education. [18] The same elastic joints, made from neoprene  are used in the structure that contains the Museum exhibits and in the Red Cloud – Mosso’s floating sculpture, made from wooden elements painted red, that leads into the exhibition. The Red Cloud looked out onto Turin’s Carlo Alberto square through the high window openings of what, in the 19th century, had been the hall of the Italian parliament (before its relocation to Rome). Mosso considered Red Cloud to be a milestone of his conceptual and formal explorations. In 1981, the sculpture was included in the exhibition held by the Piero Gobetti Study Centre, Another Italy in the Banners of Workers. Symbols and Culture from the Unification of Italy to the Advent of Fascism, which displayed the political insignia of a broad range of communities, from Catholic organizations to feminist groups and left-wing parties, anarchist groups, trade unions, etc. (the exhibition was made possible by Carla Gobetti’s discovery in January 1978 in the Italian state archives of about 190 flags and banners confiscated and exhibited in Rome by the government of Benito Mussolini at the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution, held in 1932 to mark the tenth anniversary of Mussolini’s March on Rome). [19]

Leonardo Mosso. “Red Cloud” in the Museum of Resistance, Turin. 1974

The models that Mosso built following the example of syntactic relations reflected the influence of structuralism and a belief in the possibility of new subject-object relations. In his text “Semiotics and Design, Consciousness and Knowledge. The Museum of the Resistance in Turin”, Mosso states that “research and experimentation with decoding, classification, documentation and communication, with the semiotic order of various object and document forms, with the legacy of those messages that are already available” are a necessary condition – the sine qua non – of museography. [20] Flags and banners are themselves sign systems. Mosso was the architect of the 1981 exhibition and his sculpture served as an overhead vault for the exhibits. Prior to the exhibition opening the curators carried out work to decipher the emblems, symbols, slogans and use of colors in the exhibits, tracing their transformation through the history of various labor movements. The work uncovered much that had not previously been known about political trends in Italy and about propaganda techniques. The aim was to help reformulate (albeit broadly) the language of the workers’ and peasants’ movement, reconstructing the tradition of each specific symbolic element and the overall, collective expression of will and thought. [21] And yet, both in 1974 and as a frame for the 1981 exhibition, Mosso’s sculpture seemed to be in clear contradiction with the structuralist approach. The red color and the cloud amount to what Umberto Eco called the “anthropological code”, that is, “facts relating to the world of social relations and living conditions, but considered only insofar as they are already codified” and, therefore, reduced to phenomena of culture. [22] They return the viewer to an established historical reading of the sign, and “the appeal to the anthropological code risks (or at least seems to risk) destroying the semiological system that rules our whole discourse.” [23] Red unambiguously marked the labor movement that was dear to Mosso and that was strongly present in the cultural life of Italy in the 1960–1970s even without the occasion offered by the exhibition, as manifested, for example, by the Marxist magazine Quaderni Rossi (Red Notebooks), published in 1961–1966, and the autoreduzione movement, in which left-wing protesters refused to pay market prices for goods, instead offering what they considered a fair price (the movement began in 1974 at the FIAT car factory in Turin).

Leonardo Mosso. Dynamic modification of a structure with a virtual joint. Courtesy Leonardo Mosso & Laura Castagno

The image of the cloud is even more complex, but also rooted in the historicized past. Hubert Damisch’s book A Theory of /Cloud/, published in 1972, had considered the multi-level and powerfully semiological nature of the concept of the cloud, viewing it as inextricably linked with the architecture of a powerful signifying space, usually bordering on the sacred, as in the case of the flags presented at the 1981 exhibition. [24] (Mosso himself spoke of the need to “‘desacralize’ the museum itself “, its appropriation by the people and the transformation of the self into a historical subject, to be achieved primarily by the decoding of documents). [25] In his book Damisch analyzes the functioning of the cloud as sign in different periods and cultural contexts and reaches interesting conclusions: on the one hand, the cloud, as a field, “has no particular meaning in itself; its only meaning is that which stems from the relations of consecutiveness, opposition and substitution that link it to other elements in the system”. [26] On the other hand, as Damisch says elsewhere in the book, the cloud always testifies to the closed nature of a system, “since it is the sign of opacity … the limit of representation, of what is representable.” [27] Despite Mosso’s fascination with open systems, despite his optimism about the potential of architecture to be a vehicle for social transformation, his self-positioning and his positioning of cultural production in the museum might be seen as reactionary in comparison with his contemporaries who at the same time were taking further the efforts, initiated by the historical avant-garde, to destroy the border between art and life. For Mosso, the Museum of the Resistance, “like potentially any other urban structure,” “starts from its sector of competence,” [28] which is to say that it is, essentially, autonomous. This is not to say that the museum should not be a living and contemporary structure, but “living” here means “museographically living”. In the words of anthropologist Alberto Mario Cirese, quoted by the critic Arturo Fittipaldi in his article on the Museum of the Resistance: the museum must admit that it is a metalanguage, which will be adequate to life on condition that it is aware of its essence and its limitations. [29]

Leonardo Mosso. Projet de ville-territoire programmée et autogérée. 1968–1969. Courtesy Centre Pompidou

So Mosso, operating within the tradition of structuralism, consciously departed from it and entered the tradition of semiotic reading, which he considered to be a necessary condition “for accessing a historical understanding of past reality” [30] and also for dialogue with the viewer about contemporary problems. By thus rejecting the accepted historicism he agreed with Hubert Damisch that the history of culture needs to be presented as a dynamic model and to be understood as a continual return to the source, and that it is akin to continuous movement within a certain given space. In such a model there can be no contrast between tradition and the avant-garde, and this acceptance of their reciprocity entails agreement with the pessimistic conclusions of Peter Bürger and Manfredo Tafuri. It can be argued that Mosso performed a decomposition of tradition (specifically a “decomposition” and not a “deconstruction”, because in the latter, according to Derrida, the generation of meanings occurs thanks to the interconnection of elements, while the former implies only flexibility in their use), separating traditions into various ideological and formal elements, thereby levelling their temporal aspect, their extension, and hence also doing away with the division into “old” and “new”, “good” and “bad”, “productive” and “unproductive”. On the one hand, the effect of the Red Cloud was to destabilize the visitor’s perception by its alien nature in the realm of the visual, but, on the other hand, the Cloud remained neutral, transparent and non-invasive towards the enclosing architecture, with its frescoes on the theme of the commonwealth of art and science. [31]

Leonardo Mosso. Elastic joints in the studio of Leonardo Mosso. 2016. Courtesy Gianfranco Cavaglià

Organic architecture and programming

The tradition of organic architecture in its relationship with techno-positivism and the concept of a programmable city was also of decisive importance for Mosso. The architect came into contact with organic architecture when he was working in the studio of Alvar Aalto in 1955–1958. Its ideas were championed in Italy by Bruno Zevi, who was deeply influenced by the work of Frank Lloyd Wright, and the title of Zevi’s seminal work Towards an Organic Architecture (1945) refers explicitly to Le Corbusier’s Towards Architecture (1923). Zevi was categorical regarding what he considered to be a “modern language of architecture”, and particularly that it must reject geometrism and, most of all, symmetry: “Once you get rid of the fetish of symmetry, you will have taken a giant step on the road to a democratic architecture”; [32] “The public buildings of Fascism, Nazism, and Stalinist Russia are all symmetrical”; [33] “Symmetry is a single, though macroscopic symptom of a tumor whose cells have metastasized everywhere in geometry. The history of cities could be interpreted as the clash between geometry (an invariable of dictatorial or bureaucratic power) and free forms (which are congenial to human life).” [34] In Zevi’s view, if such great masters as Aalto, Walter Gropius or Mies van der Rohe returned to symmetry as to the “bosom of classicism”, that was an act of surrender on their part and an admission of their inability to create a new language. Organic architecture, like Italian rationalism before it, saw itself as the antithesis of monumentalism and its myths. [35] Its principal ambition was to return to a humanistic measure, which was especially important in the context of post-war reflection, and to advance the democratization of culture and society. Organic architecture believed that this required a denial of rationalism and functionalism, seeming to forget that they had had (and still retained) their own humanistic measure, but one based not on form, but on proportion.

A Congress held in 1951 in Milan, as part of the 9th Triennale, was devoted to the theory of proportion and was accompanied by an exhibition of studies in proportion. Two of the leading theorists of proportion, Le Corbusier and Rudolf Wittkower, both took part in the Congress and deep disagreements between them ensured that the atmosphere was tense. [36] Construction of the exhibition, designed by the young architect Francesco Gnecchi-Ruscone, was in the best rationalist tradition, using iron pipes and in accordance with the golden ratio, allowed the exhibits to be viewed from a variety of angles, including from the bottom up.

Studi sulle proporzioni. IX Milan triennale. 1951. Courtesy Archivio Fotografico © La Triennale di Milano

Few have been able to bend the parallel trajectories of rationalism and the organic to a point where they meet. The most notable effort in this direction is the “biotechnics” theory of the Austrian botanist and microbiologist Raoul Francé. Biotechnics, in Francé’s understanding, means the “technology of life”, a concept that fits very well with Mosso’s Cartesian mechanicism. Francé, like the rationalists, reduced the diversity of biological and technical forms to basic elements: “What is perhaps most amazing is that all these countless needs for movement, all the alterations of appearance and way of life were met and produced by the application and varied combination of just seven basic technical forms: crystal, sphere, plane, ribbon, cylinder, screw and cone.” [37] Man, Francé believes, can only invent what vital matter has already invented before him. “The biotechnical principle reigns everywhere we look. The decisive factor is necessity. What is needed is done, and the first adaptation is then improved where possible. Moreover, everything is done with the least expenditure of effort, in the most rational way. The system of T-beams that we use in our buildings is also applied in a similar way by plants.” [38]

Mosso also equated his structures with the organism: the thrust of his program text “Self-generation of Form and the New Ecology” was “for architecture as an organism”. [39] Beginning from 1964, he collaborated with the magazine Nuova Ecologia (New Ecology), which drew together the threads of structuralism, politics and environmental awareness. In 1970 Mosso and his wife Laura Castagno set up the Center for the Study of Environmental Cybernetics and Programmable Architecture at the Polytechnic University of Turin,  where he developed an “eco-social” model of architecture, based on semiological, anthropological and ecological theories, calling for the involvement of ordinary people in the organization and management of space. [40] These principles were the basis of Mosso’s “non-authoritarian structural self-programming” and “non-object-based architecture” (the latter defined by Mosso when he presented his work at the 1978 Venice Architecture Biennale).

How does the idea of ​​the organic come into connection with the idea of the programmable? In 1953 the editorial column of an issue of Architectural Forum magazine, in which Frank Lloyd Wright published an article on the language of organic architecture, asked the question: “But who is to say what is human?” [41] And in 1969, Manfredo Tafuri, in his article “Towards a Critique of Architectural Ideology”, asked: “What does it mean, on the ideological level, to liken the city to a natural object?” [42]

Mosso intertwined the organic paradigm with a rationalistic language, which had been compromised not only by Zevi, but also by other contemporary theorists, who offered a critique of techno-positivism that was to a large extent justified. For example, Tafuri linked all formalized artificial languages, be they sign systems or programming languages, to the scientific forecasting of the future and the use of “game theory”, and also to the development of capitalism, asserting that they contribute to the “plan of development” of capitalism. [43] Mosso emphasized that programming in his theory is not “game”, but “the self-determination of life and of each one’s personal abilities for the realization and conservation of the equilibrium man-environment-knowledge research-freedom-life-architecture”. [44]

Leonardo Mosso. Universal three-dimensional serial structure, self programming with movable and elastic connections

How did the requirement for direct personal participation in “self-planning of the community” [45] and architectural planning coexist in Mosso’s program with the mediation of this participation by technology? Mosso was not a supporter of techno-positivism. As he declared in 1963: “The open wound torn by the industrial revolution in man has not yet healed.” According to Mosso, the new revolution, generated by the earlier one, had brought changes of a completely new level, being inspired not by the machine, but by the idea of ​​organization and of a system. The idea of ​​organization is what is crucial here, and it is contrasted with the absolute of form, which had previously concerned architects. Now, as Tafuri put it, the architectural object in its traditional understanding “has been completely dissolved” [46] in the task of industrial planning of the city. This distinction between plan and architectural object is most significant. The opening words of Mosso’s text about the new ecology show that the distinction was as important to Mosso as it was to Tafuri and that Mosso saw the concept of the plan as an unavoidable necessity in today’s world: “We must first understand that we all have to plan, not only a few of us. <…> It is simultaneously our duty to create those structural instruments of service which are indispensible for everyone in exercising their right and duty of planning ”. [47] Mosso renounced this function in his role as architect and delegated it to the computer, just as Tafuri renounced it and preferred to be a historian and critic. Mosso recognized that computational and programming methods had become a tool of exploitation, [48] but, realizing the impossibility of overthrowing them, he instrumentalized and intensified them, following the logic and, in fact, anticipating the project of accelerationism, similarly to Tafuri, who proposed that the shock of modern civilization should be “swallowed, absorbed and assimilated as today’s inevitability.” [49]

Translation: Ben Hooson