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the musealization of the alternative: exiled narratives and practices in post-yugoslav art

The cultural reality following 1989 in the former Yugoslavia was framed by constant social, economic, and political crises that persist to the present day. The crises culminated with the Yugoslav war of disintegration, but also continued through the socio-economic transition from socialism to liberal capitalism. The process of transition, described also as a process of failed democratization, was marked by strict regulation of the public domain, including the sphere of arts and culture. Through the control of cultural production, the post-Yugoslav political establishments of the 1990s transformed museums and other cultural institutions into tools of ideological warfare, where sanctioned nationalist visual culture was deployed in overwriting the supranational Yugoslav identity. However, the alternative scene that developed in parallel with this responded with various initiatives in an attempt to preserve pluralist thinking and counter the militaristic and chauvinistic narratives that were proliferating. These initiatives included artist and curatorial collectives, projects, NGOs, and other platforms for critical engagement and knowledge production, including artist-run spaces and museums created by artists. While existing in exile, or outside of the main cultural grid, these museums grew their collections from personal and found objects, public symbols, stories, and actions, mixing them in an effort to create productive strategies for critical engagement with the dominant cultural and political discourse.

Taken as the starting point for this article is the exhibition held in the ruined building of the Belgrade City Museum in 2016, Upside-Down: Hosting the Critique, where many of the museums of relevance to this article were showcased in the form of textual placards and images, including Homuseum (Škart group), Yugomuseum (Mrđan Bajić), Inner Museum (Dragan Papić), Metaphysical Museum (Nenad Bračić), and Rabbit Museum (Nikola Džafo). These museums challenge the restrictive definition of the term ‘museum’ through the social, activist, and performative practices of their authors. Although materially heterogeneous, these museums correspond organizationally with the classical institution and use its structure and name as a critical point in their conceptual explorations. Some of them have also used official institutions as their temporary display location, complicating the understanding of art activism and alternative art practices.

This article addresses the relationship between official and alternative institutions, art projects, and initiatives in times of crisis, with a focus on post-socialist society and artist-created museums. The aim is to broaden the scope of understanding of meaningful art engagement with oppressive systems and those in crisis, marked by “historic revisionism, nationalism and rampant capitalism”. [1] Through a close reading of the selected museums, their role within a wide range of alternative practices will be elucidated, and a new theoretical framing for their understanding will be proposed. Being artworks, but also institutions in their own terms, the selected museums become spaces of exiled artefacts, memory, and actions that gain agency through institutionalization.

The Collapse of Yugoslavia and the Crisis of Cultural Institutions

The collapse of socialist Yugoslavia, resulting in the first armed conflict in Europe since the Second World War, was put in motion decades earlier than is usually understood. Although Yugoslavia’s disintegration formally began when its republics, first Slovenia and soon after Croatia, declared independence in 1991, the political and, more importantly, economic changes that would lead to disintegration started in the early 1960s. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was established in 1945 with six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, and Macedonia) as its constitutive parts, and its people deemed equal under the banner of brotherhood and unity. A Yugoslav identity that transcended the ethnonational one then stood as the unifying principle upon which Yugoslav national culture and politics were built. The country was governed on the principles of equal opportunity, free medical care, free education, a planned economy, self-management of workers, antifascism, and non-alignment. The system of self-management contributed to the development of the socialist production model while centralized economic organization served to consolidate balanced regional development. [2] However, the changes from 1961 onward, with the technocracy pushing for a decentralized system of investments and foreign trade in place of a centralized and controlled one, led to the disarticulation of the Yugoslav economy, with the westernmost republics being better prepared for this change. [3]

The decentralization of the economy and opening up to foreign markets — which included a devaluation of the national currency and deregulation of prices in order to make Yugoslav industry more competitive — are the staples of market socialism that was developing in this period. A new Constitution in force from 1974 furthered the processes of economic disarticulation, with the republics gaining more independence in decision making regarding economic issues, and increasingly acting as individual players on foreign markets. This process of partial capitalist restoration and a slow liberalization of the market also saw a rise in internal conflicts, with each republic fighting for economic dominance over the others. [4] The republican bureaucracies consolidated their influence by assuming the role of national protectors, in what was predominantly an economic struggle, thus moving the conflict to an ideological field of national identities instead of dealing with structural problems. [5] As political economist Dimitrije Birač concludes in his elaboration on the processes of privatization in Croatia, it was possible to achieve capitalist restoration in Yugoslavia only through the mechanism of national states. [6] Coupled with further economic decline during the 1980s, this created a background from which the latter conflict and Yugoslav disintegration ensued. The collapse of Yugoslavia, although prompted by economic decline and the internal struggles for economic domination, was played out in the field of identity politics. The negation of Yugoslav identity, and assertion of the national one, happened in all the republics simultaneously. Nationalist rhetoric worked to actively erase any ideas about cultural continuation between Yugoslavia and the newly formed states, and proposed a different framing of national identification, one going beyond and excluding Yugoslav history and its values. [7] In Serbia, for example, this meant a return to the distant Middle Ages and the first Serbian medieval kingdom as the national signposts. The changes reflected a broader climate of re-traditionalization, where nationalist, patriarchal, and militaristic values became the markers of a new cultural climate, present in media, publications, public talks, and other forms of public engagement. [8] In the field of the arts, the described changes led during the 1990s to the disintegration of the Yugoslav art space as well as the enforcement of national identity and divisions in this sphere too. [9]

Major shifts in the museum practices of the dominant cultural institutions also happened along the lines of a search for national identity and culture that would overcome and relegate to history the Yugoslav past. One telling example is that of a group exhibition held in the National Museum in Belgrade in 1994, named Balkan Sources in Serbian Painting of the 20th Century, which was critically described as a sum of ethnic, national, and Christian symbols and myths that corresponded with official cultural politics steeped in nationalist and conservative values. [10] Belgrade’s Museum of Contemporary Art, although not directly invested in the new cultural politics through exhibition practices, nevertheless participated in the process by its self-marginalization, with minimal production and participation in cultural life throughout this period. [11]

With a lack of critical institutional response to the changing reality, alternative cultural initiatives started to appear in all former Yugoslav republics. They provided platforms for alternative voices, anti-war and anti-militaristic, to be heard, albeit within a limiting circle of activists, artists, and the informed public. Some of them went through the institutionalization processes themselves, such as the Center for Cultural Decontamination in Belgrade, founded in 1995, the Metelkova centre in Ljubljana, Konkordija in Vršac, Barutana in Osijek, and the Rex centre and Remont gallery in Belgrade, among others. [12]

Following the war, the art scene during the early 2000s was affected by the closing of two major museums in Belgrade, the National Museum and the Museum of Contemporary Art, due to reconstruction. For over a decade the doors of these museums remained closed, and large-scale exhibitions and retrospectives had to be either postponed, downsized to fit smaller gallery spaces, or moved to institutions with a different primary focus. At the same time, other institutions and galleries, such as the Museum of Yugoslav History, gained prominence with their shows, and even dilapidated buildings such as that of the Belgrade City Museum became new art hubs. Alternative spaces also proliferated, one of them being Inex Film, based on the premises of a former import-export company that closed in the 1990s. This building was transformed into a squat place for young artists, and contained several art studios and an exhibition space. [13]

Alternative institutions did not just include those with a fixed location or structural organization resembling an institution, but also initiatives which used the terminology, structure, or other elements of an institution to engage in critical work, but which did not operate as classical institutions per se. [14] They represent one of the many forms of critical engagement with art institutions that proliferated in the former Yugoslavia and the broader region of Central and Eastern Europe following the collapse of communist regimes. Initiated by art professionals, these practices searched for alternative possibilities of functioning within the system; of being present but changing the spaces of display on an ongoing basis.

Hosting the Critique

Among the first systematic presentations and analysis of the relationship between the official museum institution and its alternative, artist-created museums and practices in the former Yugoslavia, were the exhibitions held in Ljubljana and Serbia titled Inside Out – Not So White Cube (2015) and Upside Down: Hosting the Critique (2016). The latter, held in the Belgrade City Museum, presented a continuing exploration in three sections of the theme started in Ljubljana’s show – the position and role of alternative, artist-run spaces and institutions, projects, and initiatives in contemporary times of crisis. The three sections corresponded with important questions the exhibitions raised regarding the significance of such projects and initiatives within the institutional art networks, the position of official museums in periods of transition, and the functioning of artists’ museums and their raison d’être.

The first section was initially created for the Ljubljana show. It took the form of a research archive of different artistic practices, exhibitions, and projects created as a response to official practices and institutions. The analysis continued in the second section, dedicated to the complex position of the Museum of Modern Art in Belgrade within the political changes and economic circumstances of a Serbia in transition. At the time of the exhibition, the museum had been closed for several years due to renovations, and the projects commented on this situation. The third section showcased artists’ museums — the alternative spaces for exhibiting artworks, but also for questioning and reflecting on the complex socio-political, cultural, and institutional contexts of art production, collection, and presentation. This section was a showpiece of practices which, created in times of crisis and transition, attempted to disturb the status of the official institutions and memory, and to offer new modalities of thinking about, and acting upon the institutional structures and processes of remembrance. The institutionalization of artist’s initiatives — through naming and organization, but also through presentation within official institutions of culture — constitutes a critical point for interpretation of these works within a broader spectrum of political possibilities.

Museums, being never neutral spaces for displaying art, produce narratives, histories, and values, and “frame our most basic assumptions about the past and about ourselves”. [15] They are, like any other institution, conditioned by socio-political, cultural, and economic circumstances. The institutional importance and prestige of museums have often been (mis)used in support of various different political and cultural agendas, with their seemingly neutral position being a fruitful ground for establishing normative narratives on culture and identity.

As an alternative, a more transparent and power-sharing museum institution has been theorized in recent decades. The new institution should unpack the assumptions about a museum’s neutrality and become a site of “discourse and critical reflection that is committed to examining unsettling histories with sensitivity to all parties”. [16] The idea of a critical museum in the context of Central and Eastern Europe has been proposed and analysed on the example of the National Museum in Warsaw by art historian Piotr Piotrowski. [17] His definition of a critical museum as a museum-forum, open for public debate on important issues from the past and present, emphasizes a self-critical stance as crucial in its functioning. [18] Institutional critique developed from within an institution is an important aspect in the restructuring of museums into democratizing, dialogical tools; a position that is particularly significant for the former socialist states.

However, the position of museums as normative institutions in the context of the historical reframings and nationalist discourses of the post-socialist countries limited the scope of possibilities for critical interventions. The status of these institutions as public and being funded by the state, influenced the development of different modalities of institutional critique than those created in the liberal capitalist societies. [19] While in the West institutional critique was ‘institutionalized’ from the 1960s onward, in the post-Yugoslav context such interventions were manifested primarily through artistic works and actions that were marginalized in art discourse, or downright ignored. [20] Art historian Maja Ćirić makes a distinction between art practices that were ignored by the art system and therefore failed to broaden the scope of the art field, and those that were presented at review shows, such as Upside-Down, or supported by institutions themselves. [21] These practices enter official institutions, but their critical potential is deemed appropriated and subdued in the creation of postmodern plurality.

Institutional critique as a radical protest against the established art norms and structures of circulation and presentation of art — enacted through art practices but also in the form of pickets, boycotts, blockades and occupations of institutions, and other forms of public dissent — is often institutionalized, such as in the symposium “Institutional Critique and After” that took place at the LA County Museum of Art in 2005. [22] The critique of such practices is aimed at their political potential, which seems to have been co-opted by the institutions these practices reacted against, and thus rendered ineffective. Agency is attributed to the formats that stay outside of the institution, which, when co-opted, lose their political efficacy. However, the art institution, when understood as a broader concept including the “entire field of art as a social universe” [23] widens the scope and effectiveness of critique, and provides a more generous framework for a reading of art’s political and cultural significance.

As artist Andrea Fraser proceeds to analyse, the institution of art is established not just through institutions and practices, but also through the modes of perception and other competencies that allow each individual to recognize art as art. Therefore, the outside of the institution cannot be achieved either through physical removal from it, or through conceptual and theoretical existence outside of it. It is internalized, and therefore institutional critique can only come from inside of the institution itself. [24] This, however, should not devalue institutional critique. Instead, the institutionalization of the institution of critique, as explained in the example of the failure of the project of historical avant-gardes, is a site of political action. As Fraser explains: “Recognizing that failure and its consequences, institutional critique turned from the increasingly bad-faith efforts of neo-avant-gardes at dismantling or escaping the institution of art and aimed instead to defend the very institution that the institutionalization of the avant-garde’s ‘self-criticism’ had created the potential for: an institution of critique. And it may be this very institutionalization that allows institutional critique to judge the institution of art against the critical claims of its legitimizing discourses, against its self-representation as a site of resistance and contestation, and against its mythologies of radicality and symbolic revolution.” [25]

Thus understood, the potential of ‘institutionalized’ institutional critique provides a highly productive framework for the interpretation of self-institutionalizing practices of artists from the former Yugoslav space. Their practice can be broadly defined as emerging “from a belief in organizing new programmes and activities to combat constraining political, social, economic and cultural conditions” — a definition of self-institutionalizing as proposed by art historian Izabel Galliera. [26] Talking about the different context of Central and Eastern Europe, particularly of Bulgaria, Romania, and Hungary, she analyses the political agency of the dominant initiatives and models of self-historicizing in this region. Although her focus is on initiatives other than artists’ museums, such as the artistic initiatives DINAMO and IMPEX from Budapest, 0GMS project from Sofia, and the organization Department for Art in Public Space in Bucharest, there are broad similarities in purpose and engagement with the museums discussed here. The mentioned initiatives worked as alternative and discursive places that questioned “the rewriting of recent past … and engaged in self-reflexive and sustained forms of critical discussion on the recent socialist past, on what ‘leftist’ thinking could mean in a post-socialist context and on the role of local institutions dedicated to contemporary art”. [27]

Artists’ museums also engaged, in their own particular way, with aspects Galliera describes, specifically those relating to the re-examination of the past and self-reflective positioning within the art system and its institutions, as the following close reading of the works will show. The Metaphysical Museum of Nenad Bračić archives and historicizes Bračić’s art practice, similarly to the practice of IMPEX that focused on the local alternative art scene. Satire as a strategy was deployed by 0GMS in institutional critique and is also a recurring theme in Yugomuseum by Mrđan Bajić, Rabbit Museum by Nikola Džafo, and the Inner Museum by Dragan Papić. In addition, talking about the past and questioning the politically sanctioned narratives about it constitute one of the dominant aspects of these initiatives and museums, and reflect a broader interest among the artists and art workers of Central and Eastern Europe. While the mentioned initiatives functioned more-or-less as community centres and platforms with various programmes, artists’ museums were focused on artworks and their creation as well as on display in virtual and real places. However, both models of engagement with art institutions and broader political issues positioned art at the centre of political struggle and emphasized various modalities of art’s political potentialities.

Yugomuseum (Mrđan Bajić)

This museum does not need halls and walls; you
do not need to purchase a ticket to gain admission.
You move about in it at no cost every day, whether
you want to or not…
[28]

Yugomuseum, a multimedia project by sculptor Mrđan Bajić, developed over several years, starting from the initial ideas and experiments in 1998. The first international presentation of the project came in 2002 at the 25th São Paulo Biennial, and was later included in the exhibition Project Reset at the Venice Biennale in 2007, as part of the display in the Serbian Pavilion. [29] It was the first time that Serbia had appeared at the Biennale as an independent country, following the breakup of the Serbia and Montenegro union in 2006. Bajić had previously been selected to present his work at the Biennale in 1993, but due to the sanctions imposed on Yugoslavia by the international community, which included a ban on all cultural exchanges, his participation was cancelled. [30] The re-selection of the artist in 2007 symbolically marked the beginning of Serbia’s independent participation at the Venice show; a general attempt to reset its culture, and a personal resetting for Bajić himself. [31] Project Reset was a three-part display with sections named Yugomuseum, Back-Up, and Reset occupying the space both inside and outside of the Yugoslav Pavilion. [32] Yugomuseum, positioned at the entrance in the form of a time capsule with a sturdy, architectural form opening up towards the doorway, hosted a video presentation of the museum’s exhibits. This represented an archaeological excavation of memory, from the position of a disenfranchised subject that had lost its point of reference with the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The ironic, surreal, and emotionally charged works seem to be patched together from the uncertain and wavering memory of this subject; a memory that oscillates between contradictions of the Yugoslav past — of its praise, condemnation, and erasure. During the 1990s, Yugoslavia became throughout the region a symbol of a lost time when national identity could not be expressed and exercised fully, and therefore the national consciousness and culture had failed to come into being in its imaginary completeness. The lost time had to be compensated through rapid national mobilization in the 1990s, meaning that the past needed to be erased as a point of collective identification.

Mrđan Bajić. Yugomuseum, installation idea, 1998–2002. Photo courtesy of Mrđan Bajić

Fragments of the Yugoslav past — its symbols, objects, images, and other memorabilia — are mixed in Yugomuseum with the contemporary moment and its visuals, including fragments from the nationalist mobilization that resurface the uneasy memories of violence, hatred, and crimes committed. The Yugoslavia from which the memorabilia derived is thus not just the socialist, federative, post-Second-World-War Yugoslavia, but also its predecessor and successor — the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as its ideological antipode, and the Federal Yugoslavia created from the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 1992. [33] Although it references a concrete historical period, Yugomuseum goes beyond the representative historical framework, and instead transforms the history into an aesthetic experiment in Bajić’s “sculptotectural” manner.

Sculptotecture (skulptotektura in Serbian), a term used to describe the artist’s works, combines sculpture and architecture into one. [34] As a hybrid form of expression that draws from both models of creative production but subscribes to neither, it is characterized by the tension between their different principles, such as “reduction and construction, imagination and rationalization”. [35] Developed over the years, starting from the artist’s early experiments in the 1980s, sculptotecture finds its expression in the Yugomuseum as well, as one aspect of this complex work. Yugomuseum had evolved over the years, from materials gathered through email correspondence and the construction of artefacts, into a unifying model at Venice, where the museum is present through virtual display and the concrete form that hosts it.

Yugomusem passed through four phases of artistic explorations, starting with the early email correspondence between the artist and his friends, acquaintances, and collectors. The artist sent images, digital works, and collages of the objects he had designed, and gathered comments, photo contributions, essays, and reactions, developing his ideas further through this practice. The second phase included a presentation of the museum through public talks in several cities. At these talks, Bajić described the museum and its exhibits, and included images as well, to complete the illusion of the museum as a real and physically existing place. In the third and fourth phase, the artifacts were created and shown in several exhibitions, followed by a web presentation of the museum at www.yugomuzej.com. [36] The full scope of the museum includes a shop, library, an archive, and a children’s corner in its virtual space. [37] The final project consists of 52 artefacts (although new artefacts could be added) that are described in detail by the artist. These descriptions add detail and help in understanding. For example, the text for one of the artefacts reads as follows:

*040: Parade. 900×600×1200cm, 2001.Wood; cardboard; youth, workers and the honest intelligentsia; a hammer and sickle, woven from red carnations; the inscription: ‘Brotherhood and Unity’; the coat of arms of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and its republics on a movable platform which was a part of the 1st May Parade in 1957. Donated by Bagat. [38]

Such descriptions help those less versed in Yugoslav history and its symbols to understand the complexity of the works, the museum as a whole, and also the great mass of historical material that has been put through various interpretations. As the artist stated, the museum developed over time and was literally developed by the time in which was created. [39] It seemed like a good idea, as he stated further, that the time of lies and false historical memory might be reflected in an imaginary institution that would decentre the dominant narratives about the past, and include personal memories as a mockery of the “large and horrifying history”. [40]

The lines of interaction between the museum and its visitors are transposed onto the level of the artist’s impressions, memories, and aesthetic choices, where narratives, associations, and affective reactions derive both from personal recollections and from artistic choices in creating complex visual symbols. The important moment was the inclusion of supposed future visitors in the creation of the artefacts through email correspondence. In this way, the artist created Yugomuseum as an art space of personal and collective transformation, where past truths, events, and symbols could be revisited, questioned, and problematized. By showing the historical material through the prism of personal experience and personal artistic practice, the museum’s existence as a normative site of knowledge, a site the institution of the museum has held throughout history, is abandoned and the status of its supposed historical neutrality is reviled as a fallacy. The aesthetic component, of being a personal vision of history to which it belongs, made of fragments brought together in sculptotectures, further visually and conceptually decentres the museum from the position of a historical narrator. It shows instead the personal truths of an individual, caught up in the makings and unmakings of various Yugoslavias, who seeks to find their own space of understanding and meaning.

The Inner Museum (Dragan Papić)

Dragan Papić, an artist of diverse and prolific output, began collecting various everyday objects in 1976, and over the years his collection grew significantly to the point that he decided to present it in the form of a museum, named the Inner Museum. As he explains, work on the museum started in late 1993, and he named it the Inner Museum as a concluding point in its development. [41] The decision to name the collection a museum represents a play on the meaning of this institution and its significance regarding collective knowledge and processes of remembering. The collected objects are arranged in unusual, surreal, and awkward ways, aesthetically resembling a contemporary cabinet of curiosities and “an archaeology of the rubbish dump”, through which personal and collective memory is contrasted, analysed, and communicated. [42] The meaning of the objects is decided by the artist, as is the logic of the arrangement, but it remains almost impossible to decipher them without the artist’s explanations.

The museum is located in the artist’s flat in Belgrade, and therefore — in contrast to other museums of interest here that do not have a permanent location or were temporary — has a physical location that can be visited. Over the years, the collection grew to the extent of hundreds of objects, seeped out of Papić’s flat, and took possession of the communal spaces in the building, including entrance halls and staircases. This led to a dispute with one of the residents in 2007 and a collective action by other artists to preserve and protect the museum. [43] Although present on the cultural scene for many years, the museum was officially recognized as a site of cultural significance in Belgrade only in 2010. [44] It was open to visitors by appointment until 2007, and today it occasionally opens its doors to researchers. A selection of exhibits from the museum was displayed at the 44th October Salon in Belgrade in 2003, under the title Fragments of the Inner Museum, for which the artist won the Salon’s award. The museum was also included in the selection of the Salon in 2006 by the curator René Block. [45] For the 2006 exhibition, the museum was open to visitors at its location, turning a private flat into a public space for five weeks.

Still from the video The Inner Museum of Dragan Papić showing the artist with part of his collection. Courtesy of Marka Žvaka

Collected over time, the objects in the museum acquire meaning as carriers of memory about the socialist Yugoslav past and broader global events. They resemble a mausoleum of the visual memory of Yugoslavia and its aftermath — an undesirable recollection during the processes of nationalist mobilization. Various porcelain figurines, dolls, toys, decorative plates, Yugoslav souvenirs, Yugoslav symbolic objects, kitsch paintings, and other memorabilia were collected from the streets, dumpsters, and flea markets, testifying to the marginalization of narratives and the memories they represented. Their significance is reestablished through the context of the display, but outside of the museum as their cohesive element, these objects would probably find their way back to the marginal places from which they were collected. The action of bringing them to the centre of attention in a museum-like setting is a critical gesture of rethinking the value of art and more generally of what can be art in the context of the past and present. Memories, through artistic intervention, are collected and collated to create a network of often confusing visual artefacts which, through the process of naming, gain their critical potential and artistic value. The absurdity and confusion of their arrangements combined with their sheer number punctuate the surplus of memory left unacknowledged by the official memory politics. Although many of the artefacts stand for events and people that were present in public narratives, the artistic intervention puts them in relations that clarify and accentuate the problematic aspects of their past that have been removed from public discourse.

For example, one of the artefacts named Storm after the military operation in Croatia during the Yugoslav War consists of toys in the form of an elephant, dog, and a human figure. These toys are named Stjepan Mesić (the human figurine dressed in Austrian/German folk costume), Ratko Mladić as the dog, and a collateral victim as the elephant. Mesić, the last holder of the Yugoslav Presidency and later Croatian president, next to Ratko Mladić, a war criminal and a leader of the Republika Srpska army during the conflict, stand over the toppled victim, creating a grotesque tableau vivant. [46] Drawing on memories about these persons, the tableau puts uncomfortable histories together, which, through the level of association, open a space for dialogue and critical examination of the past events. The Inner Museum of the artist works also as his inner space; his metaphorical body that is reflected also through self-portraits he concocted with the help of kitsch paintings of a crying boy that were once widespread in Yugoslav households. He transforms them with the addition of reading glasses inserted into the painting, creating a combination of painting and sculpture. These artefacts, created during the NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999, testify to the affective level of the museum, where histories and memories are not just cognitively dissected, but are also addressed through the visceral, emotional level and transposed into objects of symbolic value. The Inner Museum, working both on the individual and collective level, stands also for the inner, invisible part of an institution; an unacknowledged depository of rejected visual materials, removed to the margins of recollections.

A dialogue between visitors and the artist inside the museum is a crucial element of its function, as the inner vision of the artist and the associations, histories, and stories he creates come in contact with others who experienced the same period and can elucidate its various aspects. Thus, the museum, as the artist’s home and a reflection of his inner self and the memories he carries, is contaminated with other memories and visions, in a performative act of past reevaluations, dialogue, and critique, with points of ideological and political contacts between the past and the present materialized through artefacts as “symbolic guides”. [47] The museum forms a “performative archive” where names given to objects, the compositions they make, and the interaction with visitors create a “multidimensional field of memory”. [48] Visitors encounter fragments from their own past, rejected from the official institutions of memory, and can engage with them, discuss with the artist, and remember. The unusual collation of objets trouvés, and their metamorphosis into art reverses the role of artefacts as ideological signifiers into objects of critique, satire, and unexpected encounters, reflective of the complex positioning of local histories, narratives, and ideologies within the global context.

Metaphysical Museum (Nenad Bračić)

Metaphysical Museum was founded in 1995 by Nenad Bračić, and it consists of the artist’s works and projects he has realized over the years, including: Photographs 1980–1985, The Tale of Kremzar’s Finds (1988), Sacrifice (1993–1994), The Objects of Unknown Usage (1989), Contributions to the Metaphysical Museum (1995–ongoing), Metaphysical Library, Photo-Cine Equipment (1998–2004), Do You Remember Me (2007), and Chopping Boards. The museum is not dedicated to a certain theme, or the artist’s recollections and memories, as in some of the other museums analysed here. Instead of showcasing a particular set of artefacts within a dedicated space, virtual or real, the museum is comprised of all the works and projects the artist has created, and is a unifying trademark for his diverse output. As Bračić explains: “Since I work with a variety of media, and since this scene generally requires a particular kind of recognition, I institutionalized my whole opus under the term ‘the Metaphysical Museum’.” [49] Created on the level of language, the museum is a marketing tool that is envisioned to help Bračić and his work gain broader recognisability and currency. [50]

Bračić has created a brand for himself and his work that would be recognizable but that would also legitimize his urge to collect, which, as he asserts, is an urge widely present among contemporary artists. [51] Metaphysical Museum, as a brand and also an imaginary institution not linked to a material location, is present wherever and whenever the artist and his work are present as well. A lack of physical space did not prevent Bračić from conceiving a museum with all the institutional perquisites, including a secretary, a spokesperson, a seal, and even a photograph of the building. [52] The museum can exist virtually, as an Internet presentation or website, but also in the artist’s studio, or any other location containing Bračić’s works.

The metaphysical nature of the museum corresponds not just with its immaterial, imaginary form, but also with the artist’s sentiment in creating works; a sentiment of “seeking dreams and constantly creating illusions”. [53] Bračić’s opus is diverse and spans several decades – decades that saw changes in the materials he uses, such as the shift from bricks to wood, and a change in forms, from experiments in photography to interventions with ready-made objects, and the creation of pre-devices as a play with existing forms. These pre-devices, or pre-apparatuses (preaparati in Serbian) as the artist named them, feature in the cycle Photo-Cine Equipment, and resemble in form other already-existing devices, but are fashioned from much more widely available and cheaper materials. The series of pre-apparatuses named Sory includes the rendition of different photo and video cameras in non-standard materials such as bricks, wires, and old wheel frames, giving them a rustic and archaic character. The referential play is emphasized through name tags attached to objects with the name Sory (resembling Sony) embossed on them. A thread clearly visible in Bračić’s work is his interest in cheap found materials and everyday objects, which position his opus in the traditions of Arte Povera and the ready-made.

Nenad Bračić. Object from the series Foto-Cine Equipment, 1999. Photo courtesy of Nenad Bračić

While experimenting with forms and objects has been one of the artist’s defining marks, his other projects show a broader take on the role of art in ‘creating illusions’ and include the use of various art forms in a single work, such as text, photography, and sculpture, in achieving Gesamtkunstwerk. In The Tale of Kremzar’s Finds from 1988, Bračić came up with a story about an archaeological discovery, through which artworks he had created were presented as ancient artefacts and long-lost objects. A similar artistic project exploded on the global art scene with Damien Hirst’s Venice exhibition Treasures from the Wreck of the Unbelievable in 2017. Described as the art for the post-truth world, Hirst’s exhibition was a super-show of tremendous dimensions that raises questions about the value and purpose of art in a highly commercialized art market. [54] Decades prior to Hirst, Bračić had created a narrative of lost objects and forgotten past that he helped bring to light. He conceived the imaginary archaeological site of Kremzar, a neolithic settlement with a dubious history, and created artefacts with strong historical and art historical referential importance. The Kremzar excavations, as he narrates, were started in the 1960s by his amateur archaeologist grandfather. Among the discoveries were a swastika-shaped object with horns from the Bronze Age named Clothing Hook (1990), along with phallus-shaped bronzes, some of them with a rotating swastika or horns on top. [55] The Clothing Hook was created later than Kremzar’s other finds, but is included in the project that evolved over the years. The location of the discoveries was presented via an aerial image of the excavation site, its layout forming a Greek cross whose endpoints are four tombs with phallus-shaped tombstones, creating once again the outline of a swastika. [56] Other objects from Kremzar included Venus figurines and various idols. The finds were accompanied with archaeological documentation, drawings, photos, personal correspondence, news clippings, and even a portrait of the grandfather, all invented by Bračić. [57] While Hirst used famous figures and symbols from mythology and popular culture (including Mickey Mouse), Bračić restrains his imagination to familiar forms that resemble true archaeological finds, avoiding any spectacularization of his work, but engaging in problems of historical interpretation and creation.

Nenad Bračić. Idols from the series The Tale of Kremzar’s Finds, 1988. Photo courtesy of Nenad Bračić

Bračić’s museum, as the verbalized idea of collating all of his work under one banner, functions as a permanent retrospective that is constantly being enriched with new works. It is at the same time both constantly present and absent, as it cannot be visited in one place, though its objects are nevertheless displayed within its metaphysical space and therefore form part of a permanent collection. The relationship between the visitor and the museum is actualized whenever a visitor observes Bračić’s works. The location is not particularly important; it can be a gallery, a museum, or the artist’s studio. It is everywhere where Bračić’s work is present, expanding on the idea of a museum as a spatially fixed location. Just as history cannot be contained within one dominant narrative about the past, but can have many iterations, so can a museum be an imaginary site of personal choices and preferences, where musealization happens in cognition only.

The Rabbit Museum (Nikola Džafo)

One of the most perplexing museums created by an artist is Nikola Džafo’s Rabbit Museum. Exhibited for the first time in 2006 under the title The Rabbit Who Ate a Museum, the collection consists of artworks, various objects, and toys that repeat the motif of a rabbit, which the artist has collected or created over the years. The museum also has an opera piece and a book that accompany the collection. Rabbit Museum, still without a permanent exhibition space, reflects the absurdity, destruction, and excess of the times in which it was created.

Nikola Džafo was one of the leaders of the protest and activist art in Serbia during the 1990s and early 2000s, and one of the founders of the Center for Cultural Decontamination in Belgrade, Led Art collective, Art Clinic project, and Shock Cooperative. His career developed from early provocative paintings, showing the decaying life of social margins and the ubiquity of erotic stimuli in popular culture, shifting towards activist art and use of ice, garbage, hair, and finally white paint as his material. The rabbit, as a motif, sneaked into Džafo’s work while he was part of the art collective Led Art, featuring as an individualistic expression developed in parallel with Džafo’s participation in collaborative actions. Over the years the rabbit motif multiplied to give the considerable number of exhibits from which the museum was finally formed.

The first appearance of a rabbit, a living one displayed in a cage, was at the Art Garden exhibition in Belgrade in 1994, and it became a constant theme present in his subsequent shows and actions, such as In Which Bush Does the Rabbit Lie? (1997), Departure into Whiteness (1999), Public Haircutting (1995–1998), Kunstlager (2000), The Rabbit Who Ate a Museum (2006), Lepus in Fabula (2011), and The Garden of Solstice Secrets (2018). As part of the Departure into Whiteness exhibition, the artist asked his friends and visitors to contribute to the show with their works on the theme of a rabbit. [58] His call to the public and friends led to the accumulation of toys, collages, graphics, drawings, and objects that formed the Rabbit Who Ate a Museum collection, first presented in 2006. [59] Described as a rabbit Wunderkammer, the collection consisting of around 2000 objects is divided into several sections: Ceramic, Wood, Miscellaneous, Velvet, Rubber, Small Plastic, Fabric, Artworks, Metal, and Paper/Book. [60] The collection is enriched with a musical piece, Rabbit Opera, and a book from 2000 – The Rabbit Who Ate a Museum. [61] The rabbit is not just a museum prop, but becomes an active participant in political and social life through actions such as White Rabbit for a Mayor (2004), and has been cast in multiple roles; from intellectual and critic, to cultural worker. [62]

Nikola Džafo. Rabbit Museum, installation view. Photo by Andrea Palašti, courtesy of Nikola Džafo

The exhibition Departure into Whiteness is considered a transformative point in the artist’s career, due to his making a symbolic break with the past by overpainting a selection of his works in white. The interpretation of this gesture can lead in multiple directions, considering the personal and collective moment, the socio-cultural circumstances, and aesthetics. It marks Džafo’s break with his previous work, and is also an exception from the current circumstances and institutions, with disappearance into white being the ultimate liberation from objectivity and form. Džafo’s motto in this period — “ethics before aesthetics” — seems to reach a final visual expression through this erasure. [63] At a time when Yugoslavia was being bombed by NATO, Džafo removed traces of the past, his personal past but also the collective past, and decided on a radical gesture reminiscent of Kazimir Malevich’s suprematist ideas. Malevich described in 1915 how he had reached creativity by transforming himself “in the zero of form”; this annulment of objectivity meant a new beginning in his artistic explorations. [64] The disappearance of Džafo’s paintings and the appearance of a rabbit as the dominant motif is a nucleus through which the Rabbit Museum can be approached and interpreted. “Permanent questions and dilemmas I have been posing about my creative work: How should one confront destruction and senselessness? In evil times to abandon artwork or to react polemically? Ethics or aesthetics? How should one free him/herself from the produced works, collected objects, how to get rid of the ‘garbage’? … [these,] and many others, placed the RABBIT as a metaphor for all the problems and illnesses of our society, local community, but also joys, successes and pleasures” — states Džafo in his explanation of why a rabbit and why a rabbit museum. [65]

The rabbit appeared when it was impossible to continue as things were; ethical dilemmas led to a questioning of artistic practice and its political potential in times of crisis. By moving his past into a whiteness from which a rabbit appeared as a motif, Džafo searched for an alternative set of symbols that would encapsulate the complexities of the times, without reaching for its visual manifestations. Neutral, but also charged with historical, ethical, social, and cultural significance, the rabbit outgrows any attempt to be restrained with a single coherent theory. It is a rabbit from childhood stories and rooms, from historical paintings and modern performances (Albrecht Dürer’s Hare comes to mind as well as Joseph Beuys’ How to Explain Pictures to a Dead Hare), but also from folk beliefs and traditions about life and death, from satires about its sexual libido, and many more. [66] It is finally Džafo’s rabbit who ate a museum; a series of exhibitions, actions, and finally a museum, whose historical, political, and cultural significance is eaten by a rabbit. The rabbit clears the museum of its normative and hegemonic deposits of meaning; they are gobbled up, and leave a space for new inscriptions and art. It is a clear space where one can inscribe and search for meaning through the personal coordinates of experience. It is a play that shows that museums and their meaning come from art and our relation to it; we can decide what art is and what forms a museum, even if it is eaten by a rabbit. It is a field of children’s play, of irony and satire, and a stern political critique as well. It is also ambivalent and undecided, recalling the lack of clear and direct institutional opposition to the official politics of the 1990s. Each visitor can find her/his own rabbit in it and contribute to building the museum’s meaning.

Homuseum (Škart group)

The only museum in this group that had a timespan, physical location, and initially no exhibits (virtual or otherwise) is Homuseum (Domuzej) by Škart group. This museum ‘happened’ in 2012, in the form of an occupy action, when Škart group together with other artists, activists, and students took over the Legacy-Gallery of Milica Zorić and Rodoljub Čolaković. The gallery is an external exhibition space of the Museum of Contemporary Art in Belgrade, and was turned into a space for living and creating art for the period of the Homuseum’s existence. The museum had no exhibits upon its founding, but the artists created art while staying in the gallery. However, the goal in creating this museum lay not in hosting a group of works, but in questioning the inaccessibility of cultural institutions to the public and artists, and an expansion of the understanding of the role of institutions through performative action.

Škart group, present on the Yugoslav and Serbian art scene since the 1990s, developed its practice through combining various artistic expressions, including architecture, music, poetry, fine and applied arts. [67] The group’s early works were experiments in graphics, but soon after the group members started engaging with people — on the streets, in open markets, carnivals, and other spaces of public circulation and gathering. The core of the group is made up of Dragan Protić (Prota) and Đorđe Balmazović (Žole), with the number of other participants changing, depending on the project. The group, or collective as they are also referred to, was founded at the Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade in 1990 with the name Škart (literally ‘scrap, rejects’), taking inspiration from the mistakes they had made in their early graphic works. [68] These mistakes, instead of being seen as negative occurrences, were accepted as markers of a “new system of value” on which the group based its practice. [69]

The new system includes the rejection of divisions between the high and popular or mass art — instead of being observed from a distance, in galleries, museums, or other dedicated public spaces, art is given to the public in forms of leaflets and coupons or involves active participation of the public in the creation and use of art. The actions such as Sadness (1992/1993) or Coupons (1995) happened in markets and streets where the artist duo gave out small-format works to passers-by. Created with modest materials such as cardboard, rope, and paper, these works contained verses and texts that provoked thinking about the current situation in the country and its social implications. Coupons for sadness, love, fear, Sadness of Potential Genealogy, and Sadness of Potential Friendship are some of the works given away, creating an affective community of shared experience that would define Škart’s work over coming years. “All these separated countries, divisions of nationality and ethnicity, are very retrograde … We wanted to form an open, unframed form of collaboration; for resistance requires diversity,” stated Protić in one of his interviews. [70] By sharing their work freely, the artists addressed the issue of social decay, devaluation, and retrograde narratives that framed society in Serbia and much of the Yugoslav region during the war years, as well as the devastating social consequences of such politics. They also problematized the idea that art is to be praised only in spaces prescribed by an art institution.

The group democratized art and made it available and accessible to the widest audiences; the premise that art should be, and is technically perfect was also questioned and abandoned, together with the idea of the artist as an author. Instead, mistakes were accepted as an integral part of art, shifting the consideration of its value beyond aesthetic judgment. Other aspects, such as social engagement, solidarity, and empathic action, gained in primacy, and have been further explored in the group’s later works, such as Embroideries, Horkeškart (a combination of ‘choir’ and the name Škart in Serbian), the installation at the 12th Venice Architecture Biennale, and Poetree (Pesničenje). Housewives, students, and the general public actively participated in a creative process with Škart group. Art thus takes the form of creative action and becomes the property of everyone who participates in it. By including people from various backgrounds in the process of art production, Škart substitutes the idea of the artist as author with that of the artist as communicator; art is not an individual creative expression but a collective action — a format that proliferates in times of crisis. [71]

While eclectic in the choice of art forms and materials, Škart’s poetics also combines various concepts such as “waste, humour, and individual freedom”. [72] This freedom is likewise reflected in the group’s lack of interest in belonging to any institution of art. [73] Instead, the artist duo have engaged broader communities in the artmaking process, and through their works and art actions tried to build a space of alternative existence, values, and understanding. The creation of alternative spaces has been theoretically framed as social production of space, an idea that has been further developed but also criticized over the years. Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space, later accepted by many theorists including art theorists, contributed to the framings of collective art actions. [74] Art thereby becomes a conveyor of meaning beyond the established frames and creates a space for social interaction beyond the formal norms and ideas, often through affirmative social actions as an integral part of an artwork. Škart’s projects could be seen in this light — as a collective action that overcomes divisions and particular interests, and as a specific “architecture of the human relationships”, in Škart’s own words. [75]

Following similar aspirations, Homuseum happened in 2012 from the 28th March to the 9th April. During this period, a group of around thirty participants lived in the gallery space of Legacy-Gallery Zorić Čolaković. In a time when the two major museums in Belgrade — the National Museum and the Museum of Contemporary Art — were not functioning due to reconstruction work, Škart group organized a performative action of living and creating inside an art institution. The action included various engagements, from participation at a conference (the action itself was part of a conference on graphic design in Belgrade), to workshops, debates, concerts, and other forms of creative expressions.

Škart. Homuseum, gallery view, 2012. Photo courtesy of Škart group

The idea, as formulated by Škart group, was to rethink the use of public infrastructure and institutions in times of their passive existence, with no public events or exhibitions happening at the time. The questions of who owns the institutions as a public good, and how they can be reused for creative actions outside of the formal institutional framework, were raised during the action. [76] Instead of waiting for a formal invitation, artists and activists entered the space and turned it into a creative hub, demonstrating that creative action cannot be contained within structural and infrastructural norms. As a home and a museum, the action blurred the lines between artistic and everyday practice, as the artists exhibited at home/museum, and lived in a museum/home. The relationships created between the participants and the institution showed the interconnectedness of the two, and highlighted the art/social action as a model pointing towards the democratization of art institutions.

Musealization of Alternative

The museums presented here are the repository of alternative histories, visual stories, and actions, in contrast to, and created against the practices propagated by the official institutions. Ideated and created on the margins of the dominant cultural course of the time, these projects provide a mirror to the post-socialist restructuring of memory and the visual symbols linked to it. Some of the museums are created as an encompassing concept around artistic practice, such as the Metaphysical Museum. Others are museums of activist engagement, musealized as the activism was happening. Again, the semantic decision infuses the artistic one, creating a museum on the level of language, but also in a concrete space of artistic action. Some of the museums compile objects, photos, and other memorabilia pertinent to the Yugoslav past, and combine them in unexpected ways, transforming ready-made objects into artistic forms. Such objects become the main artefacts of the museums created by artists. They contrast the cultural politics of the time and provide alternative spaces for artistic investigations of forbidden, neglected, or marginalized topics. They are a response by artists to the systemic misuse of culture and cultural institutions in everyday politics and nationalist rhetoric, and the politics of forgetting which was then dominating public discourse.

The Rabbit Museum, Yugomuseum, and the Inner Museum often combine artistic creativity with found objects, re-purposing them or just displaying them in new, and unusual combinations. The urge to collect among artists is not new, and has been present over different times and meridians. One such example is a work by Edson Chagas. He uses found objects in his Found Not Taken project (started in 2008 and ongoing), and creates new narratives by relocating and photographing them in different public situations than those in which they were found. [77] His work emphasizes both personal and collective issues; the urban environment discards and abandons objects and the artist brings the focus back to them, criticizing the economy of mass waste production but also obliteration and marginalization of all kinds. At the same time, he addresses his position as a migrant, first in London and later in Newport, Wales, where he is similarly marginalized and displaced from a familiar context. [78] The examined artists’ museums also reference both personal and collective issues in looking at discarded objects and memories, and find a new location for them inside unofficial museums. These spaces, created aside from any institutional framework, are repositories of not just a past that has been discarded and abandoned, but also of private recollections and examinations. The stories artists create reflect both the collective experience of being in-between two systems, those of socialism and liberal capitalism, and between versions of history. They also reflect the artists’ position as critical observers and internal migrants, who relocate their work from official institutions to private museums.

However, these museums are unique as their material is a combination of found and personal objects, and the artistic intervention is based on either combination of these elements or on the very process of naming. The political in these museums is located both in the artefacts and their location, but also in language. Museums that escaped an official stamp and which exist often only in the artists’ private places or temporarily in galleries and other exhibition spaces, communicate alternative history that is sidelined in order for a new, nationalistic narrative to take the central stage. Being named “museums” through the artists’ decisions, these projects disrupt hierarchies of cultural institutions. By showing that different types of museum can exist outside of the institutional circuit and can be created through personal initiatives, they add to alternative practices by widening the scope of their engagement. Going beyond individual artworks, they engage a wider cultural field and establish different points for the examination of memories and histories.

Artists name their practice, decide which artefact to include, and institutionalize their work in frames reminiscent of traditional institutions but also different from them. The gap between the two positions is a site of activism, critique, and political potential. Being a museum and at the same time not being, having the power to name it a museum, and still be on the margins of cultural events — and even sometimes being included and represented within an official institution — presents the complex position these museums have in relation to art institutions. In his analysis of social and political activism in the Balkans, political and cultural theorist and author Igor Štiks asserts that the examined forms of activist aesthetics could provide “a strong taste of emancipation” for those who participate in them, and challenge the scope of “what can be said, seen, heard and, finally, done”. [79] Similarly, the museums analysed here create a different framework for engaging with institutions and the past, which can provide an emancipatory framework for the future.

The museums are spaces of exiled artefacts and memory which gain agency through institutionalization. By showing that an understanding of the past, and one’s place in it, can still be thought from an alternative position, which can transform itself into an agent through personal decision, and that, following this line of thinking, a personal decision is still one of importance and can create new institutions, these museums present a site of hope. The practices involved did not seek to engage wider communities — in the context of Homuseum, the action only included a limited group of participants — but worked from the domain of individual reflections that invited participation. The illusory nature of authority and sanctioned histories is exposed, and a possible means of how to usurp and resist it is shown. Institutionalization did not overwrite the political potential of these projects. Instead, individual visions and artistic choices gain collective importance through a familiar institutional framework, with shared experiences and memories forging a new site of resistance.

Conclusion

The list of museums created by artists presented in this article is not exhaustive in any sense. While the focus was on the several museums created during the 1990s and early 2000s, there are other examples from this and earlier periods that formed museum-like repositories which could be included for consideration when discussing artistic reflections on sanctioned histories, stories, national ideas, and personal reflections during the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav eras. These museums expanded on the topics of Yugoslav symbolic heritage, memory politics, art history, and the role of institutions, as is the case with Tadej Pogačar’s P.A.R.A.S.I.T.E. Museum, Anti-Museum by Vladimir Dodig Trokut, Kunsthistorisches Mausoleum by Goran Đorđević, and the Museum of Childhood by Vladimir and Milica Perić. There are also artistic projects that reference the institution of the museum in regional art practices, with one of the most well-known examples being Lia Perjovschi’s Knowledge Museum. However, the timeframe for investigation and the limits imposed by the current situation of world pandemic influenced the choices and strategies guiding this article.

The aesthetics of museums addressed here verges on surplus; a surplus of memories, of stories, and politics; a surplus that cannot be contained within the discourse of the everyday and politics as performed by the official institutions and individuals. The residues of the past and present intertwine, mingle, and react, creating a specific world of personal phantasmagorias intersected with public symbols. Some of the museums worked as museums; they had an exhibition space, working hours, and guided tours. Others were created in the domain of language, imagination, and performance, without a fixed space or any other elements of an institution. However, the appropriation of the term museum for these projects creatively positions them in dialogue with the meanings of a museum, its function as a repository of artefacts, and an active participant in the creation of national narratives and culture. These museums investigate and criticize through creative acts; they disclose stories and ideas; show what was erased or forgotten, and engage with the realities we live in. They also serve as private reflections on identity and artistic practice.

It is important, regarding the contemporary moment with its increased calls for the democratization and decolonization of knowledge and higher education, of institutions, and other domains responsible for creation of collective narratives and mythologies, to look back at these museums as individual responses to restrictions of all kinds, political and cultural oppression, and conflicts. They contribute to the plurality of practices, ideas, and positions, but also stand for exemplary forms of artistic action against limiting institutional possibilities. They deploy institutional and artistic elements which prevent their reading as pure artworks, art institutions, or performances. They do not belong fully to either of these categories, so to understand them it is necessary to go beyond the established definitions, and to look for the spaces of their interaction, as sites of political potential.

Nor should the ethical aspect of these museums be missed. In times of turmoil and the devaluation of institutions, artists took it on themselves to show the democratic potential and critical capacity the institution of a museum can have, if it dares to. The past cannot be erased, and it will resurface one way or another, perhaps in the forms of complex sculptural works or surreal combinations of found objects. It will remain present, even if only in art. Combining individual and collective experience, the museums took over the role official museums could not bear, due to political pressures and compromised institutional freedom. Irony, parody, cynical reflection on national myths, activism, and other forms of critical engagement mark these museums. Being museums but also artworks, they broaden the scope of understanding of creative limits and institutional borders, leaving neither undisturbed.

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Samary C. The Social Stakes of the Great Capitalist Transformation in the East // Debatte, № 17 (1), 2009. P. 5–39.
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– Izbacivanje Radova Dragana Papića // Marka Žvaka video, 4:43, 2007, https://markazvaka.net/izbacivanje-radova-draganapapica/.
– Unutrašnji muzej Dragana Papića // Marka Žvaka video, 6:00, 2007, https://markazvaka.net/unutrasnji-muzej-draganapapica/.

 

Categories
Grants

the museum and penal servitude as a “reformatory” for the revolutionary subject

The machine of (self-)production of the revolutionary subject in a disciplinary space

What does a national museum have in common with a prison for convicts sentenced to penal servitude? Thanks to Michel Foucault, we know that both are disciplinary spaces which recapitulate the containment of leprosy and plague. They combine the spatial exclusion of lepers with the apparatuses of cellular [1] discipline in plague-stricken spaces: “The leper and his separation; the plague and its segmentations.” [2] In the late eighteenth century, the liberal philanthropist Jonas Hanway formulated the concept of the “reformatory” upon which such spaces were based: here, the individual is reformed, being made subject to transformation. [3] According to Hanway, responsibility for the work of transformation falls upon the individual themself, but this occurs under the conditions of spatial isolation into which society has forced him or her. The reformatory is a special space set up to correct the individual according to certain established narratives. In prison, penal servitude or exile, one must suppress the delinquent [4] within oneself—that is, the criminal—and become a “normal”, law-abiding citizen. In a national museum, meanwhile, all works of art must be arranged in accordance with the history of the nation state, thereby once again involving the disciplining of oneself and of all visitors by means of a corresponding narrative.

However, as Pyotr Kropotkin and Michel Foucault demonstrated, prisons did not reform individuals; on the contrary, they were universities of crime, producing delinquency as a social stratum through which heterogeneous and chaotic illegality could be controlled. On the eve of the October Revolution, the revolutionaries of tsarist Russia exploited this “dark” side of the prison apparatus—they transformed prison into an institution for the creation of a mass revolutionary class, combining the prison’s mission of producing and perpetuating delinquency with their own revolutionary goals. The tsarist system of “prison, penal servitude and exile constituted, from 1905 to the February Revolution of 1917, a vast laboratory, a supreme revolutionary school where revolutionary cadres were successfully prepared.” [5] Ultimately, the political prisoners who were drawn to Moscow from across Siberia by the summer of 1917, having been released in March by decree of the Provisional Government, came to form the backbone of the subsequent revolution in October—alongside their comrades who had returned from exile abroad. At the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) held in 1919, 184 of the 305 delegates attending had personal experience of penal servitude or exile (making up a total of 315 years of imprisonment between them). [6] The disciplinary apparatus had been subverted, or, more accurately, “redisciplined”, and simultaneously strengthened by its own objects from within, so that the flow of (self-)discipline was redirected toward the education of the revolutionary subject.

A museum can likewise, according to Boris Groys, act as a “cradle of revolution”. To change the world, a meta-position must be taken in relation to it, and a historical artefact in a museum can provide just this. After all, despite the fact that “these objects from the past—seen in the here and now—belong to the contemporary world, they also have no present use.” [7] Objects from another time or another world are capable, through their very presence, of changing the time and world in which they are placed. These defunctionalised objects exist outside the logic of everyday “utility”. By virtue of their presence, they point to the possibility of recoding and recreating the world whose logic they negate. Moreover, in some sense, objects of this nature make such recoding inevitable, and therefore, from the perspective of existing normative laws, they can be perceived as “demonic”.

Yet such an object does not function or even exist in isolation. It is first of all part of a machine composed of the artefact and a heterotopia—the museum space that brings about its defunctionalisation. Secondly, in order to begin working, this machine must be connected to a viewer. And not just any viewer, but one willing to perform a reenactment, that is, the reconstruction of the cultural imagination hidden within the artefact. Certain hopes and aspirations have been stripped away from modernity, but they did exist in the time the object bears witness to, and the viewer, desiring their return to the present world, reconstructs them in their imagination. Marx, for example, wrote that the French Revolution had taken inspiration from the republican traditions of Antiquity. Groys, meanwhile, suggests examining avant-garde works of art and reviving their inherent logic of defunctionalisation, which they had once implemented, by reducing art’s informational function.

Thus, an object encoded with another cultural imagination, when hooked up to a heterotopia and a viewer desiring reconstruction, constitutes a machine for the (self-)production of the revolutionary subject. It functions, it is productive, and it even abides by the prescribed Law in the sense that it acts according to instructions, or, rather, according to its own specifications—a museum visitor contemplates an artefact on display, while prisoners in a penal colony undergo transformation. But at the same time, this machine “rewrites” the words of the Law and “relabels” them according to its own pattern, redirecting the subject’s production in an unforeseen course.

There are complications here. First of all, the subject may desire the coming to fruition of a conservative revolution. This is precisely how Deleuze and Guattari, following Wilhelm Reich, explain fascism—it was produced by multiple desires, not prescribed at the secondary level of ideology. [8] Second, in proposing that the reconstructed imagination be divided into “revolutionary” and “reactionary” as “good” and “bad”, we thereby prescribe a new law, which at a certain point risks becoming repressive.

This difficulty can be resolved by translating the concept of “revolutionary” to the meta-level. Then it will signify not the imagination of specific models—for example, a republican form of government in an authoritarian society—but rather a reenactment of the very logic of defunctionalisation, that is, the procedure for recoding any prescription, any law. Groys sees precisely this kind of experimentation in works of the avant-garde: the very logic of “cutting away” from the normative surface must be reconstructed, regardless of its many specific historical forms—defunctionalisation as a conceptual gesture—so that it can be revisited again and again in constantly changing conditions. This is a formula for permanent revolution, which also presupposes, among other things, a revolt against the state produced by a victorious revolution—a formula that seeks to reassemble any law, only to further reassemble it anew, over and over again.

We thus have two modes of operation for the reformatory’s complex of overdisciplinary [9] recoding, resulting in the (self-)production of the revolutionary subject. The difference in these modes is linked to what becomes fixed as a result of recoding: a specific social model or the logic of defunctionalisation and recoding per se. In any case, the complex is realised as a synthesis of “demonic” relics (objects that are bearers of a different cultural imagination), a heterotopia, and the willing subject. To give an example, the demonic relic for the revolutionary subject on the eve of 1917 was Marxist theory, contained in books and people’s memories, while the heterotopia was the space of a penal institution, and the willing subject was the individual and/or collective of political prisoners. As noted above, it is of importance that such a machine can operate in different directions and may produce not only a socialist society but also, for example, fascism. At issue is not so much whether one is good and the other bad, but rather that, ultimately, the prospect inevitably arises of fixing the result as a new prescription. This may be called the first mode of operation of the complex. The question therefore arises of producing a metarevolutionary subject who studies the very logic of defunctionalisation, that is, programs himself as one who, under any conditions, facilitates the advent of the External—in all its historically changing guises. This is how the second mode operates. Such a subject is possessed of heterotopic optics (not placing any specific heterotopias, even the most progressive ones, at the centre); he is able to look at reality outside the dominant narratives and, under any conditions, produces genuine difference.

These two modes are ever present and mutually antagonistic. Any revolutionary subject simultaneously (self-)produces a new law, a new repressive surface for fixing the result, and a corresponding desire. However, alongside this, there is always what Edward Soja has referred to as “Thirdspace”, and what Deleuze and Guattari call a polysemantic or nomadic conjunctive synthesis: a non-dual logic or the perspective of and/both together, which struggles with the surface of registration, that is, with the fixation of the conquests of the revolution. [10] This is not a different revolutionary subject, but the same one, albeit understood and reassembled in a somewhat different manner. And although the question of the difference between the two modes was clearly posed only in the second half of the twentieth century (as, for example, by Deleuze and Guattari in Anti-Oedipus), their conflict long predated this. In particular, following the October Revolution, the heterogeneous Society of Former Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers (Obshchestvo byvshikh politkatorzhan i ssylnoposelentsev, usually abbreviated, as hereinafter, as OPK) came under increasing repression from the increasingly powerful central government. The conceptual struggle consisted of opposing revolutionary ethics to the desire to secure the gains of the Revolution.

“Converting” the machine of subjectification: Recoding flows and practices of the self

The role played by tsarist penal colonies in the October Revolution was explored in the 1920s, within the framework of intellectual activity supported by the Society of Former Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers (OPK). The OPK’s chief printed publication, the journal Katorga i ssylka (‘Penal Servitude and Exile’, 1921–1935), focussed on collecting and publishing the personal memoirs of the former political prisoners who comprised its membership. This served as the basis for conceptual generalisations about the central role penal servitude and exile had played in the Revolution. The main ideologist was Vladimir Vilensky-Sibiryakov, who in 1923 called the tsarist penal system “the Romanov University” and a “school of revolution”. In his own words: “After 1905, against the will and desire of tsarism, … the institution of political penal servitude and exile was transformed into a vast political school for the training of those cadres of the 1905 revolution who had ended up thronging the prisons, penal colonies and exile.” [11]

In 1928, Sergei Shvetsov published a series of articles in Penal Servitude and Exile entitled “The Cultural Significance of Political Exile in Western Siberia”, highlighting the following positive aspects: scientific exploration of the region, development of the local press, medicine, and culture, and public education and revolutionary work. According to Shvetsov, “the imprisonment and exile of that time represented unique oases of freedom of speech, if not in print, then at least in the spoken word” (No. 11, p. 97); They spread “Senichka’s poison… [12] which so imperceptibly, but persistently undermined the roots of tsarist autocracy” (No. 10, p. 101), the fruits of which included “the rebirth… of some ordinary inhabitant of Surgut [a small town in Western Siberia]” (No. 10, p. 112) in an anti-tsarist, revolutionary spirit.

Here we are dealing with two distinct but interconnected vectors of recoding. Shvetsov is writing about how the political exiles transformed the local context, while Vilensky-Sibiryakov argues that prisoners transformed and strengthened themselves in the revolutionary spirit. In the first case, the flow of discipline is directed outward, in the second, inward. Or: in the first case, we have the Decembrist exile, while in the second, we have the model that emerged after 1905, when the penal colonies were filled with poorly educated workers, peasants, and townsfolk, many of whom then transformed from casual opponents of the regime into convinced and unyielding revolutionaries. In the second case, the hermetic confinement of imprisonment was used to construct a machine for the (self-)creation of a collective revolutionary subject, with the future expansion of this subject being teleologically embedded in the process of transformation. This process can be divided into a hermetic stage of transfiguration (internal revolution) and a delayed stage of outward expansion (external revolution), the result of which was destined to be the rebirth of the whole world. To borrow an image from developmental biology, one might say that the semi-conscious “revolutionary larvae” of the pre-prison period pupate in a penal ward, transforming into a cocoon or chrysalis of revolution, from which, in due course, a full-fledged form would inevitably emerge—the Revolution itself.

This is precisely the model advocated by Vilensky-Sibiryakov, and was confirmed after the fact by numerous testimonies: “the simple accumulation of knowledge was not what we needed … but rather to emerge from prison … as someone who could contribute greatly to the revolutionary movement with his knowledge,” [13] “in penal servitude… the cadres of the revolution were forged,” [14] “even in penal servitude, the revolutionary remembered that he was a foot soldier of the revolution, temporarily captured, obliged always and everywhere to arm himself with the weapons that would bring him victory: literacy, knowledge, and the ability to analyse reality from a class perspective, from the perspective of revolutionary Marxism”. [15] The experience of the past was reinterpreted, and tsarist imprisonment now appeared as an absolutely vital stage in the revolution: “Where else would I have found at that time such opportunities for a Marxist education as prison afforded me?” [16] This last assertion is not as naive as it may seem. After all, the machine of (self-)creation of the revolutionary subject emits a flow of overdiscipline, and this in the sense that prisoners might even strengthen the discipline of the reformatory, while recoding its work in a different direction. The principle remains, the machine functions smoothly, but the direction is changed.

Museum of Penal Servitude and Exile, Moscow. “Narodniki” Hall. Collection of the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia

According to Foucault, the prison system of punishment as a machine for transforming prisoners emerged in the nineteenth century. Previously, the authorities had not sought to reform the punished—the punishment system not having been penitentiary in character (from the Latin poenitentia, meaning “repentance”). The new system represented an “assemblage” of practices: in particular, the dual semiotic technique of punishment, deriving from the ideologists of the Enlightenment. It was dual because, firstly, the very point of application of power had shifted: it became “the ‘mind’ as a surface of inscription for power”. [17] Secondly, the punished individual was expected to labour for the common good—to teach a useful lesson by example, and to participate in the production of discourse: “The publicity of punishment … it must open up a book to be read”, “the punishments must be a school rather than a festival; an ever-open book rather than a ceremony”. [18] And the inmates of Russia’s penal system on the eve of 1917 fulfilled these semiotic demands with a vengeance: they were indeed busy producing knowledge, discourse, and a lesson for all, but it was not that lesson. The lesson taught was quite another—one that affirmed not the established law, but a new, subversive codex.

The second lineage in the penitentiary system’s pedigree, according to Foucault, derived from Protestant ethics and their notions regarding discipline of the body for the sake of transformation of the soul. The monastery, the religious brotherhood, the asylum, the workhouse, and now the prison: “solitary work would then become not only an apprenticeship, but also an exercise in spiritual conversion”. [19] The functions derived from these two genealogical lines—the semiotic and the transformative—were reflected in the new politics of the body that were adopted by the disciplinary institution of the prison in the nineteenth century.

In any disciplinary space, powerful disciplinary flows are directed at those found within. Just as the application of discipline proved to be a key “technique for the production of useful individuals” in the 1800s, so the spaces of disciplinary institutions, including prisons and museums, emerged as machines for the implementation of these techniques of subjectification. For the subject is not only one who thinks, as opposed to the inert dimensionality of objects; it is also one who is “subjectivised”, that is, shaped by the flows of power. Not only one capable of activity and knowledge, but also one who is subject—literally “lying beneath” or”subordinated”: a duality which is evident in the English word “sub-ject.” Therefore, the individual who finds himself within a disciplinary space—this specially constructed machine—is doomed to subjectivation. The vector of this subjectivation is not so immutable, however—it turns out that it can be adjusted: one can introduce one’s own pattern into the disciplinary flows, and subjectivation can be accomplished in a different manner than expected.

This is possible precisely because the transformation occurs within the individual. The “terrible secret” of disciplinary spaces is that the subjectivation they produce is, to some extent, always a “practice of the self”, as the late Foucault called it. And it is exactly at this point that the potential lies for the individual’s “conversion”—just as Saul the militant Pharisee was converted and became the Christian Paul. Subjectivation is the exercising of power, but this can involve both external power (the codex) and internal power (power over oneself). The Ancient Greek model of subjectivation, which Foucault proposed as a useful practice, presupposes the attainment of freedom solely through power over oneself. The law emanating from oneself must be distinct from the external lawcode and more intense than it, that is, it must constitute overdiscipline. This feat was successfully mastered by political prisoners in Russia’s penal system on the eve of 1917; according to Groys, it should be practised in museums, contemplating avant-garde works within the disciplinary currents of art history.

The chrysalis complex: Heterotopia and the island

“Converting” the subjectivation machine is inseparable from the production of the “converted” subject. But at what point does the product of local labour, carried out in the heterotopia of a disciplinary space, become the “chrysalis” of a coming universal rebirth? This transition is clearly not to be found in the nature of disciplinary production or its objectives—these do not entail any transformation of society as a whole. However, a closer look reveals the religious (and therefore potentially eschatological and messianic) components to this process, conditioned by its Protestant genealogy: “the idea of an educational ‘programme’ … first appeared, it seems, in a religious group, the Brothers of the Common Life”. [20] It may be assumed that the task of universal transformation is posed not by the form, but by the content of the flows of transdisciplinary recoding: if we (self-)create a revolutionary subject, then he or she will inevitably be aimed at deploying the revolution outward. This holds true, but the chrysalis complex also arises structurally—through the spatial logic of the disciplinary apparatus, structured as a heterotopia and as an island.

Heterotopias are “spaces, which are in rapport in some way with all the others, and yet contradict them”. [21] This is Michel Foucault’s classic definition of 1967, but let us turn here to biology, from which the philosopher himself drew this concept. According to Ernest Haeckel, during the formation of an embryo, a particular organ or region can begin to develop either at a different pace (heterochrony) or in a different space (heterotopy): this leads to an ontogenesis (individual development) that deviates from phylogenesis (the development of a biological species). As a result, recapitulation (the reproduction of biogenetic law) fails: new traits emerge, which can then become fixed. An example is provided by the long neck of the giraffe, which arose as a result of heterochrony—an extended development period of the seven cervical vertebrae. In heterochrony, the development of a certain part of the organism is temporally shifted (that is, it occurs faster or slower than prescribed by law), while in heterotopy, it is shifted spatially (that is, it occurs in the wrong place or direction). This implies a greater innovative potential for heterotopy: “Heterochrony is of interest in part because it can produce novelties constrained along ancestral ontogenies, and hence result in parallelism between ontogenesis and phylogeny. Heterotopy can produce new morphologies along trajectories different from those that generated the forms of ancestors.” [22]

Unlike heterochrony, heterotopy creates a form that is not similar but entirely different, and is therefore more revolutionary. Groys analogously distinguishes between reactionary and progressive work with the cultural imagination hidden in the artefacts of the past: the former affirms dominant forms by finding their “sources”, while the latter produces a form that is novel to the present. In biological terminology, the former asserts a theory of recapitulation, while the latter gives rise to a branching phylogenesis. The advantage of heterotopias in terms of the production of differences is clear: moving in the opposite direction is potentially more fruitful than outpacing others. This is precisely why the strategic “spatial turn” in knowledge production, as proclaimed by Foucault, is so important. However, things are somewhat more complex than this, and we are always dealing with a combination: heterochrony and heterotopy together lead to a break with normative reproduction. To understand the process of difference production, “we need compasses … as well as clocks”. [23]

The analogy between organism and society is purely phenomenological: both are pseudo-unities formed in accordance with a certain law that prescribes the relationships between parts and the whole. If a new section is produced, the pseudo-unity that includes it does not transform the remaining sections according to a new pattern, but reconfigures all internal flows and relationships. Thus, the elongated neck does not swallow up all other organs, though all parts of the organism, like the organism as a whole, respond in someway to this change. The task of the production of differences, so central for Foucault, presupposes the constant diversification and differentiation of the entire field through numerous heterotopias. It is in this sense that heterotopia proves to be the chrysalis of universal revolution—through the inevitable transformation of the whole in complex correlation with the new organ. The non-standard spatial change of a single part during ontogenesis leads to changes in the entire species through the consolidation of this change. In this sense, the (self-)produced subject is bound to turn outward and influence society—by the simple fact of its existence being included in the general mechanics.

However, the chrysalis complex functions not only as a heterotopia but also as an insularity (from the Latin insula, “island”). The insular thinking of the Modern Era assumes that a certain isolated entity, or “self”, is capable of reformatting the entire world in its image, and, moreover, sets its sights on doing so. Antonis Balasopoulos, a scholar of island geopoetics, defines this as the insular institution of colonial modernity [24]: the island not only turns out to be the ideal colonial possession but also the ideal metropolis. An island/empire dialectic emerges, according to which the machine of insularity operates. The “noman’s land” of a “desert” island is always an invitation to (re)create the world in a potentially more successful “second” attempt. [25] In this sense, people seek out “desert” islands as a space in which to work out a model for restarting the world. We are no longer entirely comfortable with this eschatological horizon of the Modern Era colonial machine, but the realisation of the chrysalis complex is always something deferred, while difference or another space is produced here and now.

The chrysalis complex is thus a combination of heterotopia and insularity. Heterotopia alters the internal relationships of pseudo-integrity in the here and now through the formation of a new element within it, while the logic of insularity presupposes a deferred universal transformation according to its own model. The latter is nothing other than the expansion of a newly produced law, and therefore carries with it the inevitability of betrayal of the heterotopic optics.

N. Smirnov. Schematic diagram of the reformatory of the revolutionary subject: the complex of overdisciplinary recoding (the (self-)creation of the revolutionary subject) and the chrysalis complex within the disciplinary space of the heterotopia

The Museum of Penal Servitude and Exile

The members of the OPK (the Society of Former Political Prisoners) possessed “dual citizenship”—not only of the USSR, but also of an imaginary topos—the tsarist prison, which would for many of them gradually merge with the image of newly realised Soviet prisons. When filling out the admissions form, the anarchist Olga Taratuta thus gave “Butyrka Prison” as her “place of residence”—having by this point served fourteen years in pre-Revolution prisons and four months in the Soviet Butyrka. [26] Alongside the Bolsheviks, the OPK’s membership included many former Narodnaya Volya (“Will of the People”) members, anarchists, Bundists, Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) and Mensheviks. It had therefore been desirable to set up the Society as a “non-partisan” discursive space, not only for alternative socialist forces (the push from below) but also for the rapidly strengthening central government—as a means of control (the push from above). So, in spite of the fact that the initiators of the OPK were the anarchists Pyotr Maslov and Daniil Novomirsky, the initiative was supported by the elite of the RKP(b) (the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)): Soviet trade union leaders Mikhail Tomsky and Yan Rudzutak secured state funds for this purpose, enlisting the support of the Secretary of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Avel Yenukidze. All of them, except Yenukidze, had been incarcerated together in Moscow’s Butyrka prison in the 1910s. However, “in supporting the founding of the OPK, Tomsky primarily sought, through an organisation that though separate was linked by personal ties to the Party, mechanisms to control, and eventually politically integrate or neutralise, the socialist and anarchist forces that could not be persuaded to join the RKP(b).” [27] In this sense, the OPK functioned as a deviant heterotopia, proving to be a machine for producing and containing controlled deviations (compare this with the production of “delinquency” in the prison). Conflict was thus inherent from the very beginning and manifested itself as early as the OPK’s founding meeting in 1921, at which the SR Mikhail Vedenyapin was arrested.

The OPK was founded in 1921 on the principle of “non-partisanship” or “active neutrality”, with an implied, but not formalised, loyalty to the Bolshevik line. [28] Naturally, this reflected the OPK’s programmatic lack of a unified political will, which presupposed the coexistence of its members’ diverse and irreducible individual positions. A shared past as political prisoners, that is, a commitment to the revolutionary ethic, served as their unifying element. However, as early as 1922, the society faced the threat of closure due to having Left SRs among its members, as well as its support for political prisoners in Soviet prisons, resulting in persistent demands for the society’s “communisation”. In 1924, the OPK was reorganised: the general meeting was replaced by an all-Union congress (which meant replacing broad democracy with the institution of representation), the Communist faction gained control of the leadership, and the laws of the Soviet state were officially elevated above revolutionary ethics—one’s merits in the pre-Revolution period ceased to be a significant criterion for admission to the OPK. Most members of non-Bolshevik parties were expelled from the Council (the executive body of the OPK), and the pro-Narodnaya Volya moderate Bolshevik Ivan Teodorovich was replaced as chairman by the more radical Vladimir Vilensky-Sibiryakov.

Though the principle of “non-partisanship” was effectively dismantled at the level of official rhetoric and the society’s leadership, it continued to be implemented in the institution of OPK regional associations, established in 1923. [29] Many figures expelled from the central bodies of the OPK, as well as outside specialists, found employment in these associations, forming a peculiar kind of “democratic forum”. [30] Paradoxically, it was at this point in time that the OPK began to develop the theory about the tsarist prisons having played a central role in the 1917 Revolution. This presupposed the heterogeneity of the revolutionary subject, which sooner or later was bound to conflict with the idea of ​​the Bolsheviks having been the leading revolutionary force. Once that point was reached, the OPK was “shut down” as an active political heterotopia in the present, but remained so in relation to the past, implementing heterotopic logic in its discursive space—in the journal Katorga i ssylka (“Penal Servitude and Exile”, hereinafter “KiS”) and the museum of the same name.

On the pages of KiS, Vladimir Pleskov, a critic of Soviet repressions against political prisoners and a former Menshevik, wrote articles about the Socialist Revolutionaries Yegor Sazonov and Maria Spiridonova (Issue No. 1); former Narodnaya Volya member Mikhail Frolenko wrote about Nikolai Chaikovsky’s ​​Godmanhood concept (No. 5 (26), 1926); and the mysticist anarchist Georgy Chulkov wrote about the utopian socialism of Fyodor Dostoyevsky and the followers of Petrashevsky (No. 2 (51) and No. 3 (52), 1929). In 1929, on the initiative of Ivan Teodorovich, the magazine hosted a discussion about Narodnaya Volya; texts were also printed in various years about the “Russian Jacobins” Pyotr Zaichnevsky and Pyotr Tkachev, about Militsa Nechkina’s Society of United Slavs, about the Vertepniki – members of the circle that gathered around Pavel Rybnikov, including the Slavophile Alexei Khomyakov and the Old Believer arts patron Kozma Soldatenkov, about Makhayevshchina (“Makhayevism”)—the anti-intellectual theory of social revolution—and much more.

The Museum of Penal Servitude and Exile was similarly intended to materialise and affirm the narrative of the significance of penal servitude to the 1917 Revolution. The idea of ​​opening such a museum was already being discussed among the OPK’s founders as early as 1921, and a museum commission was formed in October 1924, made up of Anna Yakimova-Dikovskaya, Yelizaveta Kovalskaya, L.A. Star, Iosif Zhukovsky-Zhuk, Revekka Gryunshtein, David Pigit, Golfarb and Baum. [31] Collection of material for the future museum was undertaken by regional associations with the support of OPK branches and other institutions, including the Museum of the Revolution. A central “Penal Servitude and Exile Museum” was founded in 1925 under the auspices of the Moscow branch of the OPK. “The museum possessed a remarkable collection of photographs and paintings, as well as textual testimony—manuscripts, investigation files, sentences, prison journals, identity cards, etc. Ultimately, by 1927, the Moscow Museum of the OPK ended up in possession of a better collection of works on the history of the revolutionary movement than the Museum of the Revolution in Moscow.” [32]

In 1927, according to a report by its director Vera Svetlova, the museum’s collection comprised up to 10,000 photographs, 61 large portraits (including 11 oil paintings), “documents, manuscripts, relics and prison artwork by political [prisoners]”. [33] They had also “processed 22 reference albums of photographs from individual sites of penal servitude and exile”, and hired a full-time photographer to reproduce old photographs, resulting in the amassing of a “carefully selected collection of 5,100 negatives”. [34] Based at the OPK Club, the museum gradually developed in line with a “monographic-topographical” logic, meaning its sections were dedicated to either a specific topic or location. Thus, in 1927, the museum had nine departments: “The Decembrists in Prison, Penal Servitude and Exile”, “Old Shlisselburg”, “New (Narodnaya Volya) Shlisselburg”, “Anniversary Exhibition in Memory of 1st March 1881”, “Prison, Penal Servitude and Exile in 1905—1917”, “Lenin’s Life in Prison and Exile”, “Exile in Yakutia”, “Alexandrovsky Central [Prison]” and “The History of the Emergence and Work of the Society of Political Prisoners”. The exhibition in one of these sections was described as follows: “11 posters, 7 large portraits, and up to 15 large glass display cases of documents and leaflets, a reconstructed ‘Shackling’ [of prisoners] scene (a group of 4 life-size figures), and 3 coats of arms with mottos.” [35]

In the early 1930s, the OPK museum collection was criticised for the predominance of portraits and its museum activities were labelled unscientific. A reorganisation then followed, accompanied by the introduction of innovative methods in exhibiting and conducting museum work: the production of infographic materials, the organisation of travelling exhibitions and museum courses, and a focus on research. Centralisation and an increasing emphasis on the role of the Bolsheviks also continued: the museum’s director, former SR Vera Svetlova, was removed from her post and then sent into exile. [36] Overall, the OPK museum’s activities expanded steadily. As early as 1927, the Vesnin brothers designed the “House of Penal Servitude and Exile”—a constructivist building intended to house an archive, a museum and a club, equipped with a large auditorium. In 1930, the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR allocated the funds, and building work began. However, by 1934, only the club section had been built, while the museum section remained only on paper. Many people voiced their dissatisfaction with the architecture of the Vesnins’ constructivist building, with a 1935 wall newspaper for political prisoners describing it as a “pigeon loft on stilts”, [37] and the OPK itself was liquidated the same year. The Central Museum of Penal Servitude and Exile was renamed “Museum of the Bolsheviks in Tsarist Penal Servitude and Exile”, where the main theme of the exhibition was “Stalin’s Escape”. [38] The reconfigured museum was headed by Grigory Kramarov, one of the OPK’s leading “hawks” and the founder and former chairman of the Society for the Study of Interplanetary Travel. Thus, in the shift from the principle of non-partisanship to “Stalin’s Escape”—the heterotopia within the OPK collapsed.

Project for the Central House of Penal Servitude and Exile, Moscow. Plan by architects A. Vesnin, V. Vesnin, and L. Vesnin. 1931 © Shchusev Museum of Architecture

Revolutionary ethics in the museum: Eternal return

The concept of revolutionary ethics is directly related to both the second mode of (self-)production of the revolutionary subject and Groys’ proposal for the reconstruction of the avant-garde cultural imagination in the museum. The development and defence of the principle of revolutionary ethics in the OPK was primarily associated with the anarchists. Thus, the prominent anarcho-syndicalist theorist Daniil Novomirsky (Yakov Kirillovsky), who had stood alongside Pyotr Maslov at the founding of the OPK, drafted a charter back in 1920 that declared the society’s main task to be “to ensure the ‘correct’ use of its members in the ‘interests of the revolution’.” [39] Novomirsky believed that the political situation boiled down to a division of actors into two broad camps: supporters of the revolution and its opponents. The guiding principle for the first camp was a special implied revolutionary ethic that had developed during the revolutionary struggle and against which everything that transpired since—including Soviet power—must now be tested. For Novomirsky, this in no way precluded the possibility of controversy and disagreement.

Novomirsky had come to the conclusion in 1920 that the Bolshevik Party had consolidated the supporters of the revolution and that being with the Bolsheviks now effectively meant adhering to this revolutionary ethic. He joined the RKP(b) and, through the pages of Pravda, called on other anarchists to do the same. By 1922, however, in his book P.L. Lavrov on the Path to Anarchism, he was accusing the Bolsheviks of building state capitalism in conjunction with an unprecedented degree of suppression of dissent: “The socialist state is the greatest property owner and the greatest exploiter on earth.” [40] This did not signify any renunciation of the revolutionary ethic on his part—on the contrary, it was precisely his loyalty to it that enabled him to criticise the Bolsheviks. Taking such an approach, any political force could move closer or further away from the revolutionary ethic, which remained the “measure of things” and an abstract, immutable principle, constantly changing its specific real-life embodiments as the historical process unfolded.

Another founding member of the OPK, the theorist of individualist anarchism Andrei Andreyev (Chernov), resigned vocally from the society in 1924, when the communist faction seized control and the charter banned membership for those with criminal records under Soviet law. For Andreyev, this was unacceptable, as it placed state institutions and their codex of laws above the “penal-revolutionary ethic”. His ideal, expressed in the concept of neo-nihilism, envisioned formal laws being replaced with revolutionary ethics, as practised by the only legitimate authority—the anarchist “ego”: “Organisation is the enemy of the individual and the revolution; organisation is the water of death poured on the living flame of rebellion.” [41] According to Andreyev, “the world is a vast penal colony” from which salvation can be won “not through rebellion, but through the fiery breath of permanent revolution”. Moreover, revolution comes not from without, but from within, for “freedom is within us”. [42] And, partly anticipating Deleuze and Guattari: “Anarchy is life, it is not an ideal nor is it a goal; I would say that there is no anarchism—there is the anarchist, the bearer of anarchy. In this case, Mikhail Bakunin is vindicated in boldly spitting in the faces of ALL counter-revolutionaries: ‘We understand revolution to mean the unbridling of what are now called evil passions and the destruction of what in the same language is called “public order”.’” [43]

At the same time, the anarcho-communists Olga Taratuta and Anastasia Stepanova (Galayeva) demonstratively left the society. In their manifesto, they spoke of the coming revolution as follows: “Like a distant but bright star, sometimes dimmed behind clouds, sometimes reappearing, the great revolution is coming towards us, and it will arrive victorious. The idea of ​​a society of political prisoners and exiled settlers, suffocated once more in the grip of partisanship, will be resurrected in all its original glory and life.” [44]

Thus, according to the apologists of revolutionary ethics, the OPK ceased to be a bearer of these ethics after 1924. However, the main initiator of the communisation of the society, Vladimir Vilensky-Sibiryakov, would later inadvertently reconstruct revolutionary ethics within the OPK when developing his theory on the central role of penal servitude in the Revolution. By making broad generalisations based on the shared prison experience of the society’s members, Vilensky aimed to conceptualise a revolutionary mechanism that would be suitable, among other things, for export to other countries within the framework of the International Organisation for Assistance to Fighters for Revolution (MOPR, also known in English as International Red Aid). He discussed the “germ cells” of the revolution and the special role that the penal prison had played in their development.

Vilensky’s theory recreated a heterotopic optic in the discursive field, and here the work of the revolutionary machine for the production of difference becomes even more evident. The model discursive heterotopia is a “certain Chinese encyclopaedia” mentioned by Borges, which Foucault cites in the preface to his work The Order of Things. This “encyclopaedia” comprises a small classification, dividing animals into groups according to completely different characteristics, for example, “(a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, … (f) fabulous, … (j) innumerable”, [45] and so on. Point “h” covers those animals “included in the present classification”. [46] According to Foucault, this is “the limitation of our own [thinking], the stark impossibility of thinking that…” [47] What is it that constitutes this limitation? Foucault believes that the juxtaposition of all points apart from “h” indicates “a worse kind of disorder than that of the incongruous, the linking together of things that are inappropriate”. Despite the absurdity of the classification, these points share a common place, a common “table” on which they can be juxtaposed—the space of language. But point “h” destroys the “stable relation of contained to container between each of these categories and that which includes them all: if all the animals divided up here can be placed without exception in one of the divisions of this list, then aren’t all the other divisions to be found in that one division too?” [48] The “and of enumeration” is thereby destroyed, and with it, “the in where the things enumerated would be divided up”—language and its syntax. According to Foucault, “h” represents a heterotopia; it is this point that calls into question the very possibility of classification—not at the level of the content of categories, but at the meta-level of its logical possibility. Heterotopias “destroy ‘syntax’ in advance, and not only the syntax with which we construct sentences but also that less apparent syntax which causes words and things”. They produce a genuine other, a pure difference in relation to the existing order, a difference that is revolution—at once an Event, the Singularity, and the return of the most essential—the very logic of revolution.

Heterotopia should therefore be spoken of as a logical operation, an optic, a “concrete technology” and a “rhetorical machine”. [49] It is in this sense that Edward Soja speaks of “Thirdspace” as the abolition of the dualist antagonism of the first and second spaces—the physical and the imaginary. This is not a dual Other, but a perspective of “and/both, and also”, which implies a first, a second and a something else. It is a part that is greater than the whole, a collapse of conventional logic, or category “h” in the Chinese encyclopaedia. While conventional logic asserts a view of reality spied through the prism of the historical narrative, heterotopian logic implies a spatial turn that clashes head on against history. And if space is customarily perceived as either imaginary or physical, then heterotopia removes this duality. Foucault gives the example of how his parents’ double bed is a real physical space for a child at play, but also an ocean where he floats among the bedspreads, and a forest where he hides beneath its wooden frame. This place is simultaneously imaginary and physical (and something else entirely), where a different imagination is produced, overturning the usual logic of “either-or”, according to which a quilt cannot be an ocean, nor an imaginary space be physical.

Into this heterotopian logic of uniting the physical and the imaginary, we must combine Foucault’s discursive understanding of heterotopia, outlined in The Order of Things, with its physico-spatial understanding from his Of Other Spaces. Heterotopia will then arise in all its glory—as a device combining object and method; as an exception that does not fit into any taxonomy, as a queering machine that smashes through and undermines any categorisation or cartography. This is the establishment of a certain visible spatial difference to the existing order of words and things, which presupposes a rupture of the language / causality / continuity of the spatial basis to this order. This is the limit of the established; schizophrenia or a door in the wall that keeps the desert at bay; [50] “Eusthenes’ saliva”, teeming with all these unseen “creatures redolent of decay and slime” and the syllables by which they are named; [51] an impossible common place of their impossible assemblage—impossible because it abolishes the coordinates within which assemblage was perceived as possible or impossible.

The penal prison only became such a revolutionary philosophical heterotopia when it began to produce a discourse rejecting tsarism: at that moment, it became not simply a disciplinary exception but an indication of the possibility of another order of things. Groys makes the same point when he writes that a marginal position in society, such as that formed by bearing an alien cultural identity, cannot in itself provide a metaposition—being a product of the same circumstances, it is not truly “other”. [52] The journal Penal Servitude and Exile and the museum of the same name did constitute heterotopias under the Bolshevik dictatorship because they brought together disparate elements whose very existence pointed to the potential for another socialist imagination. And not so much any particular other, but one in which all of them could coexist without suppression, from members of Narodnaya Volya to the God-men, the Bundists, the Vertepniks, and neo-nihilism… Each of these individually, plus all of them together, plus something else too. The “Chinese encyclopaedia” and “Eusthenes’ saliva”, undermining the Bolshevik hegemony. The revolutionary ethic strives to constantly reassemble the established order and social code. Heterotopia is its spatialisation and its “grounding”.

We may now more fully explore the process of reconstructing the revolutionary cultural imagination in the museum. This process implements the procedure of defunctionalisation or “cutting away” from the existing order/syntax in four modes. Firstly, the museum possesses a special space with its own mode, which entails the physical exclusion of the viewer from the everyday spatial fabric—this is cutting away No. 1, the “physical” mode. By analogy with the exclusion of a political opponent from everyday space in the heterotopia of the penitentiary system, this mode can be termed “the exiling of the viewer”. According to Foucault’s classification scheme, the museum is a classic “heterotopia of time”, combining heterotopia with heterochronia and performing a cutting away or “découpage of time” (découpages du temps). Of significance here for our purposes is not so much the specificity of the museum heterotopia, but the very fact that the museum is a different space. Secondly, museum objects are decontextualised objects, torn from the logic of utility and, more often than not, stripped of their original functions. The chief method of the museum is to “exile” objects, thereby producing potential demonic relics that have come to us from other spaces and times—cutting away No. 2, the “methodical”, “museum-specific” mode, or the “exile of objects”. Thirdly, as a result of following its own method, the museum functions as a vast assemblage of heterogeneous objects belonging to completely different discourses, cultures, traditions contexts, and circumstances. Any museum is already a “Chinese encyclopaedia”, containing a whole list of point “h”s. By combining the uncombinable, the museum inadvertently points not only to the possibility of a whole panoply of alternative logics but also to the breaking up of the very foundations of conventional logic, as in Edward Soja’s “Thirdspace”. Rather than simply “either… or… or” (a mass of alternatives furled up inside demonic relics), it is also “and this… and this… and both of them together… and something else too”. Trying to somehow cope with the schizophrenic plundering of its own material, the museum frames and coordinates it within the framework of museum narratives, pointing the viewer only to strictly defined chains of code within the artefacts—but ever perched on the brink of defeat at the hands of the demonic power of its objects, which shake and smash these narratives and the museum’s logic from within. This is cutting away No. 3, the anti-museum or “maximally-linguistic” mode. Finally, the series of objects—including, for example, the avant-garde art which Groys invites us to examine—are documents of the conscious defunctionalisation of art. They belong to the revolutionary tradition in art; their code is the logic of revolutionary procedure per se. The implication is that, by hanging the code of their logic onto the hooks of their own thought patterns, the viewer can attempt to create within themselves a machine of revolutionary art, capable of carrying out the same procedure in a new historical context. Cutting away No. 4, the “art-revolutionary” mode, recapitulates the previous three and applies them to the field of art.

Prior to all this, however, a machine for the (self-)creation of the revolutionary subject must be built, consisting of a museum heterotopia, a demonic avant-garde relic, and a willing viewer. This machine creates a situation of hermetic alchemy [53]—a flow of overdiscipline that produces the revolutionary subject. The task of the willing viewer is therefore to create within the disciplinary space a situation of their own revolutionary individuation. Presence in the museum, understanding the logic of museification as the creation of potential demonic relics, and reconstructing the logic of the avant-garde through its documents—these are the three processes that stimulate the production of the revolutionary ethic in relation to art.

Central House of Penal Servitude and Exile, Moscow. Architects A. Vesnin, V. Vesnin, and L. Vesnin. 1931. General view. Photograph from 1960 © Shchusev Museum of Architecture

However, it must always be borne in mind that the machine of (self-)creation of the revolutionary subject has two modes of operation. The flow of overdiscipline generates a new law, which emerges alongside the revolutionary ethic and immediately enters into conflict with it. The penal colonies gave birth not only to a revolutionary ethic but also to a new despotic state. This duality of modes is reflected in the second thesis of Deleuze and Guattari’s schizoanalysis: in social investments, the unconscious investment of desire must be distinguished from the investment of class or interest. The latter can be markedly revolutionary in character, but is primarily defined by the task of propagating a new society, “carrying new aims, as a form of power or a formation of sovereignty that subordinates desiring-production under new conditions”, [54] and can thereby become repressive in relation to revolutionary ethics as such. Therefore, “betrayals don’t wait their turn, but are there from the very start” [55] and revolutionary groups are always ready to assume the role of repressive scriptor, guarantor, and executor of the new Law. For “what revolution is not tempted to turn against its subject-groups, stigmatized as anarchistic or irresponsible, and to liquidate them?” [56] Clearly, this is precisely what happened to revolutionary ethics in the USSR. A similar duality may be observed in how revolution in art has always been presented to us—simultaneously as a new artistic hegemon and as a revolutionary ethic, that is, the pure logic of revolution, realising its eternal return.

In conclusion, I propose we imagine a museum that does not seek to tame the cacophony of its artefacts by imposing upon them the codex of a single historical narrative. What might a museum be like that strives to act truly heterotopically? That strives to be a reformatory of the revolutionary subject, that is, to facilitate the production of both concrete revolutionary differences and revolutionary ethics? It seems that such a museum ought to contain gaps in narratives, to emphasise the incoherence of objects (inheriting the absurd logic of the “Chinese encyclopaedia”), to highlight evidence of how avant-garde defunctionalisation occurs, to explore how certain objects cancel/reassemble narratives (reconstructing applicable cases from art history), and to speculatively model similar situations, confronting coherent discourse with a heterotopia that undermines it, presented via this or that demonic relic. Accentuating the points of cancellation of existing discursive and spatial law, producing differences to it at the level of syntax, and a commitment to revolutionary ethics as such—this is what should stand at the centre of heterotopological museology.

Translation: Ben McGarr

 

Categories
Grants

museum in a liminal state: winners

We are grateful to all the applicants who have submitted their proposals for the grant programme “Museum in a Liminal State” and congratulate the winners.

Alex Anikina: Fictional Museums as Artistic Method and Speculative Critique
Aleksei Borisionok: Museum in a Liminal State of Postsocialism
Alexey Buldakov: Relics. Production, Acquisition, Storage
Sophie Williamson: The Palintropic Turning of Silence
Ana María Gómez López: Shifting Ground
Evgeny Kozlov: “Interrupted by the Mist”: Toward (Media)Archeology of Optical Telegraph’s “Imaginary Museum”
Coincidental Institute (Yoel Regev, Alek Petuk, Yura Plokhov): On Possibilities of the Coincidence Museum
Ilaria Conti: Knowledge Continuums: Relational and Communal Practices beyond the Art Museum
Andrea Liu: A Museum Under Occupation in France
Biljana Purić: The Musealization of Alternative: Exiled Narratives and Practices in Post-Yugoslav Art
Denis Sivkov, Makar Tereshin, Sergey Karpov: Scales of Space Exploration in the Peripheral Aerospace Museums
Nikolai Smirnov: Museum and Exile: Exclusion as Chrysalis
Liliya Tkachuk: In the Field of “New Silence”: Sound in Museum
Ana Torok: “Another Kind of Place”: An Early History of the Clocktower Gallery and the Function of the Exhibition Container in the 1970s
Alessandra Franetovich: Re-imaging the Black Square Hanging in a Private Gallery: N. E. Dobychina Art Bureau and the Avant-garde in Saint Petersburg
Marianna Hovhannisyan: Ethnographic Metadata: Archives and Museums of Avant-garde
Alexandra Tsibulya: The “Vision Blockade” Phenomenon
Eszter Őze: The Aesthetics of Socialist Asceticism?

Categories
Grants

grant programme: the announcement of the results is postponed

Categories
Grants

museum in a liminal state: cem prolongs the acceptance period for applications until 25 may 2020

In a situation where force majeure has left one and a half billion people isolated, closed cultural and educational institutions or forced them to work remotely, and has transformed (perhaps irreversibly?) the work of museums around the world, all of us, to a greater or lesser extent, are field researchers into the phenomenon of quarantine. The term appeared in fourteenth-century Venice, which, at the time, was one of the world’s leading port cities. “Quarantena” in Italian means “forty days”, it referred to the period during which newly arrived ships and their crews, who were suspected of carrying bubonic plague, were forced to remain isolated before landing. Then, as now, quarantine involved the confinement together, in strict spatial boundaries, of bodies and their activities. Thus defined, there is an evident affinity between quarantine and the function of the museum. Today, Venice, the world’s greatest open-air museum and a city which, centuries ago, paid with countless victims of plague epidemics for its right to ensure immunity, has been closed to visitors and left to the contemplation of itself. The same is true of other centres of production and preservation of visual culture around the world. We, as cultural workers, are now visitors to a Long Night of Museums, but where a large part of Planet Earth is the museum, and the night is a polar night. What happens when quarantine comes to the museum, what happens in “quarantine within quarantine”?

Taking the new circumstances into account, the Centre for Experimental Museology has decided to prolong the acceptance period for applications to the “Museum in a Liminal State” grant programme until 25th May 2020.
— the museum in a state of emergency
Think of a museum confronting risks, be they of human, ecological, or any other origins. Consider the museum’s responses to different types of challenge, think of its enemies and possible allies, and try to imagine the aftermath.

geological formation as museification
Consider archaeological layers as a display hidden from human view but organised according to the logic of chronological exhibition. Think of the Universe as a collection in a liminal state exposed to the laws of time and entropy.

control & security systems in the museum
The borders encompassed by the notion of liminality are inextricably linked to the figure of a guard. Consider the ontological change a museum experiences when (on the approach of the liminal state) security and control become the most prominent sector of its infrastructure.

the museum as place of exclusion
Consider the reverse side of a museum’s function as a refuge zone. Think of it as a place of exclusion where artefacts are in exile, deprived not only of their spatial context but also, to the fullest extent, of temporality.
Please submit your application by 25th May 2020 to cem@redmuseum.church. Applications (in either English or Russian) should be in a single PDF format and must include:

— a description of the research project (1 page max);
— a preliminary research plan with timeline and expected budget;
— the applicant’s curriculum vitae.

Project proposals will be reviewed by the members of the CEM, with the selected projects being announced by 30th June 2020.

As an outcome of the research project, we will ask you to contribute to a publication with an essay (20 pages min) on the topic of the research conducted.
The research grant programme was launched in 2016; its first edition brought together 17 artists, curators, theoreticians and art historians from Belarus, the United Kingdom, Hungary, Greece, Russia, the USA and Ukraine. The results of their research will be published as an almanac in Russian and English in 2020.

For the 2nd edition we are calling for researchers in all fields of the humanities internationally who would like to conduct research in Russia or abroad within the period from 1st July 2020 to 31st December 2020, and offer our financial and administrative support. The financial support available depends on the required budget for each project and can include travel and accommodation expenses, while the administrative support is aimed at facilitating arrangements for research in Russian institutions if needed.

© Dmitri Aleksandrovich Prigov

The Science of Liminal States of the Museum

“The Universe that we know was born from a point at which, for one fleeting moment, all times and all spaces came together. Such a point might serve as an ideal model for the museum, since the main function of a museum is that of unification in a limited space. But the cosmos that we know today, with all its beauty, grandeur and eternal order, cannot answer to the criteria of an ideal museum, because, when examined more closely, it dissolves into a constantly changing (temporary) collection of traces of the disappearance of other worlds. If this is a museum, it is a museum in a liminal state.

Since the time of the Big Bang, that which seems to be stabilisation is really a just moment, bounded in time and space only by the circumstances of its formation or the specifics of our perception. A moment in the sequence of extinction. The museum in our Universe smells of oil (like everything else). Oil is the product of the transformation of billions of dead organisms gathered together, which, tens of millions of years later, makes life possible for other billions of organisms that have gathered together. This same product makes it possible for certain things under the name of “works of art” to be gathered together in a museum exhibition, etc.

The withering of the past and the breakdown of the cosmic order is the main condition for the formation of a museum collection. Recall Alfred Barr’s torpedo, which ran on the liquid fuel of modern art. Or, more broadly, our Planet, this cradle of humankind, which, as interpreted by Nikolai Fyodorov, travels through the void with a mission to expand its resurrecting museum network. In Fyodorov’s vision, Earth is a museum-spaceship and the Universe is a museum network. Geology is an expanded museology. Geography is an expanded museography.

But Earth has its own time limitations. For a glimpse of its future, look at Mars or Venus, which show what may happen when a museum institution the size of a planet goes beyond its limits. Certainly, Mars and Venus, as they are today, also have their own strength limits. But they differ qualitatively from what is usual on exoplanets that are similar to ours.

At all events, stabilisation within certain limits is a source of conflict. And to view the museum as a zone of conflict is to view it correctly. This is equally as true on an “interplanetary” scale as it is within the confines of those provincial exhibitions that preserve a set of evil banalities about the origin of humankind. To study them is akin to studying the results of lab experiments which can sometimes offer more accurate information about what is happening outside the laboratory than field measurements. Traces of class, racial and gender-based violence are built into the microcircuits of the museum machine. This is not transgression of limits; it is the everyday working of the institution. Or, put differently, it is transgression with regard to freedom and equality, a beyond which has become an internal norm. Inside the “torpedo” there is horror and darkness, which, however, do not stop it being itself.

Perhaps, for all these reasons, the science of the museum should avoid the traps of stasis and “grounding”. Its brave adepts will set off into spaces devoid of life to gather materials on mechanisms which elude observation in ordinary conditions. They will be the first to visit the mysterious world of the local void of the Milky Way; to organise excavations of long-abandoned regions of the Internet, such as GeoCities; to study the activity of dormant social media accounts, to investigate criminal schemes for the turnover of dead capital and the market of funeral services, to document new burial technologies.”

Arseny Zhilyaev

Categories
Grants

center for experimental museology is calling for research projects

CEM is a self-organized non-profit organization. It derives from issues such as innovations of soviet avant-garde museology, the history of experimental exhibition design and speculation about the possible impact of the museum and art in the development of humankind according to Russian Cosmism. We aim to dig deep and gather data, information and knowledge related to the museum as a medium, an institution, and an agent. Through historical or futuristic perspectives, through fiction or fact, we strive to reflect on the many multidisciplinary intersections within the body and nature of a museum, to collect the findings and to create a network of contributors to the topic.

One of the projects CEM is currently working on is the exhibition Moscow diaries, a collaboration with the Museum of American Art in Berlin. The exhibition is dedicated to the Kazemir Malevich room in the Cubism and Abstract Art show at MoMA, curated by Alfred Barr, and a Moscow display of the artist’s works at Tretyakov Gallery in 1920s by Alexey Fedorov-Davydov.

We call for researchers in all fields of humanities internationally.

We offer financial and administrative support, which can be aimed at those willing to conduct research in Russia or abroad within the period April 21, 2017–April 21, 2018. Offered financial support depends on the required budget for each project and includes travel and accommodation expenses. Administrative support includes help with Russian-language related issues (making appointments and conducting correspondence, etc.).

Deadline: April 21, 2017

Please submit (in English or in Russian and in a single PDF format) at cem@redmuseum.church:

–Research project description (1 page max)
–Preliminary research plan with timeline and expected budget
–CV

Project proposals will be reviewed by members of CEM and selected projects will be announced by May 1, 2017.

As an outcome of the research project, we will ask you to contribute to a publication with an essay (20 pages min) on the topic of research conducted.

CEM is produced by V-A-C Foundation.